Further to criticism by Catherine McCartney, whose brother Robert was murdered by the IRA in 2005, over the past of Seanad Labour candidate of Maria Cahill.
Mark Malone writes:
Labour’s appointment [of Mairia Cahill as a seand candidate] isn’t just cynical in that it’s a transparent move against Sinn Féin. It is deeply inauthentic in relation to survivors of abuse and those campaigning for a meaning framework for justice and truth in the north.
I can stake no possible claim of understanding the specifics of Mairia Cahills decision to run as a Labour Senator. And its pretty understandable why she wants to land punches on Sinn Féin.
Though if feels and looks like Labour’s play here actually results in creating hierarchies of victims around the ‘troubles.’ This is precisely what is important about the perspective Catherine McCartney bring in her statement. She says:
“It is vital for victims’ families, fighting for truth and justice to be entitled to work with elected representatives who should operate from a position of integrity and independence”
Cahills appointment to the Seanad.
“leave(s) us isolated from those political parties who support this nomination”
In a statement to all sitting TD’s and Senators she expanded on this point.
“I fail to understand how a family like our own can ask political parties to hold SF to account regarding matters of truth and justice, (issues which remain at the forefront of peace process) whilst at the same time those parties ask no questions of Ms Cahill, and provide no answers to the public.”
It‘s up to Labour to disprove the widely held belief that the appointment is really poorly thought out opportunism. Yet that itself wouldn‘t rescue it from a fairly simple truth.
The main political parties in the south, and Labour in this instance hold up the grimness of war, and the very often brutal experiences of our fellow humans on this island, as tokens and faux currency for their own small minded games.
The feeble attempt by Aengus O Snodaigh yesterday to deny the very existence of the economic recovery is laughable, although when you consider the paucity of his party’s economic ‘expertise’, it i
Sinn Fein are misery junkies and as far as they are concerned, the more people who are out of work, the more people who are in mortgage arrears, and the less money families have to spend, the better.
Aengus O Snodaigh and his party feed off the uncertainty and anxiety that people experience at times of economic difficulty and there is no party better at exploiting ordinary people’s fears than Sinn Fein. But now that the recovery is under way Sinn Fein are petrified, and that’s why they have tried to dismiss the recovery as ‘false’.
Is it false, that in July, sales of new cars increased by 48% year on year? Is it false that car sales are set to exceed 100,000 for first time since 2008?
Is it false that so far this year, the number of foreign trips taken by Irish people has increased by 14.1% to 1.3 million?
Is it false that spending on home improvements by families has increased by 32% this year, and that over 33,000 works have been registered for the Home Renovation Scheme at average value of €15,457 per job?
Nobody is saying that everything is rosy in the garden, or that all our problems have been solved, but it is clear that things are getting a bit better for a lot of people.
Try as they might, not even Sinn Fein can wish away this recovery.”
So great was the crisis facing this country in the winter of 2010/11 that only a broadly based government would have held society together. I am convinced that a single-party Fine Gael government – the only viable alternative – would not have survived the first year. That first dismal year saw the new Fine Gael-Labour Government struggle to restore Irish credibility in the EU institutions, keep the troika at bay and contend with Mr Trichet’s threat if we proceeded with burden sharing – as unemployment exceeded 15 per cent. In helping to bring the country back from the brink, Labour had to take some decisions that in normal times it would never have done.
Diarmuid Ferriter would perhaps have preferred if we had spent more time speechifying, dithering and generally faffing around like the Syriza government in Greece, making the crisis even worse and inflicting greater hardship on ordinary citizens. Of course, Syriza has in its ranks more than its fair share of academics with a part-time political sideline. The problem is, as Brendan Behan noted in another context, they know how it’s done but they’re unable to do it themselves.
There is nothing either “patronising or self-pitying” about my view of the “dysfunctional” fragmentation amongst the disparate elements of the political opposition. After what we have come though, the last thing this country needs is a coalition of chaos. Compare this country’s economic health with what unfortunately has engulfed Greece. The stability that we have established and the economic growth now happening offers the prospect, for the first time since the crash, of improved social investment and the gradual restoration of living standards.
Whether or not one is a Syriza fan, it must be obvious that unless we get our finances into kilter and a banking system functioning again, we will not be able to make inroads into poverty or tackle inequality in our society. Who will endure most arising from the cack-handed misgovernance of Greece? It won’t be the wealthy elite or the tax dodgers or the trendy academics advising Syriza on the politics of magical thinking.
The contention that Labour “would have benefitted more from staying in opposition” may be correct. But Labour was not elected in 2011 to stand aside. Prioritising power over principle is the favoured insult of the designer left thrown at every politician from Lloyd George to Barack Obama who dares take on the challenge of political responsibility in difficult times.
Labour TD Michael McNamara, left, with Labour Senator Ivana Bacik and former Labour leader Eamon Gilmore
In Village magazine, Michael McNamara, a Labour TD, writes:
“When Irish Water was established, it was deliberately placed outside the parliamentary questions process by two parties in government, including my own, that had spent years criticising the fact that the provision of vital health services was not susceptible to parliamentary questions.
The minister who took the Irish Water legislation through all stages of the Dáil in one afternoon – despite a clear commitment in the programme for government that there would be two weeks between all stages – has had a change of mind since he lost ministerial office.
What is it about the advice of civil servants that is so enchanting that their commitment to keeping information from the public they serve is always followed by their political “masters” who subsequently go into opposition and complain that they cannot get information from government on behalf of their constituents?
One of the first things this Government did after extending the Freedom of Information system was to close it down again when it came to the Refugee Appeals Tribunal – one of the shadiest areas of our justice system and it did so by ramming a motion through the Dáil with a limited debate on the last sitting day before a break.
Yes, this government brought the economy back from the edge which was one of its main tasks. But it failed to address the underlying problems and causes of what went so badly wrong. This government could have tackled corporate culture here, changed how this country is governed and how those who provide public services are held accountable to the public.
Instead, it spent too long just revelling in being in government. To date, it has comprehensively failed to carry out the task it set itself and for which it received a mandate – to reform how the business of government is done.”
Former Labour Party Chairman and Galway East TD Colm Keaveney went on the Sean Moncrieff show on Today FM this afternoon to discuss his life in politics.
Mr Keaveney joined Fianna Fail in December 2013 six months after leaving the Labour Party amid unease with the leadership of Eamon Gilmore and the direction of the party.
The host began with the dark side.
Sean Moncrieff: “How dark is politics?”
Colm Keaveney: “It can be pretty nasty, it can be pretty rough, I mean when you pull the curtain back and you look at the sort of mechanics around it, you see what John Perry’s going through today, now John Perry’s not alone, I mean 30% of Oireachtas TDs and Senators have family spouses. You have to ask yourself the question, why is John Perry being singled out this way, obviously he is falling out of favour with the leadership of Fine Gael, the manifestations of, of that sort of dynamic, they just blow you out of the water. I’ve had very, very challenging situations in politics, when I spoke to Eamon Gilmore about voting against, you know, a budget involving cuts in child benefits, you know, It was a pretty rough discussion, it was pretty rough, I’m delighted I made the decision, but…”
Moncrieff: “Now, what does ‘pretty rough’ mean, for two politicians, is it ‘you, ye bollox, you’re going to vote for us,’ is that what we’re talking about?”
Keaveney: “You know, from the outset it has been verified, for one reason or another, you know senior politicians try to accentuate their own authority by singling people out to come down heavy on them, to look as if they’re big strong Stalinist ‘I can take them on’, and from the outset in politics my election in 2011 I was singled out as that person within the Labour Party, despite my commitment to what I thought was fairness, equality, represent my constituents and to give people a chance who were on the periphery to get on in life, and I fought tooth and nail for that, and unfortunately I had to vote against a budget and the consequences of that can be heavy on the family, yeah, and on the person.”
Moncrieff: “And, when you’re in the room with Gilmore, and Gilmore is saying ‘Vote or else’, what is ‘or else’?”
Keaveney: “There was a lot of eyeballing and ‘are you with or agin me, because when you walk out that door, life is going to change for you.’ Your family, everybody, you know. The media, you know. Because by the time I got home I had photographs, my children were being photographed in the school playground, they were writing stories about my wife, they write stories about… so, yeah, the full rigour of the pro-government media will come down and wallop you.”
Moncrieff: “Was it implied to you that that would be orchestrated?”
Keaveney: “By the time I got into the car onto the M50 it was in process. I was told going into that meeting ‘you’re going to get your neck measured, you’re going to walk the, em, you’re going to walk the plank here, when you’re pushed off that plank your life is going to change’.”
Moncrieff: “‘You’re going to get your neck measured,’ was that the phrase used?”
Moncrieff: “Jesus, that’s a scary phrase.”
Keaveney: “It is a scary phrase, but I’m only giving you the soft stuff. I mean, bullying is endemic in many employments and, you know, politics is no different, it’s a a rough trade, em, the veneer of politics, the bit you see, the cuddly parts of it, are constructed, really what happens behind the scene is that you have an authoritarian system of whipping people to do what they don’t want to do telling people that there will be consequences for you, your constituents if you don’t draw the line, there’s no space for dissent, critical analysis, looking at the fairness or the impact, at the consequences, the human impact, the consequences of decisions. There’s no time for that in politics, you’re either for or against, and when you’re against, you’re a threat.”
Moncrieff: “But didn’t you always know that? When you got into politics, didn’t you always know that?”
Keaveney:“Again, I’m blessed to be a politician, I wake up every morning, I pinch myself, going, I’m blessed to be given that jersey, I’m not going to dishonour my constituency, they sent me in to articulate, to represent the views of vulnerable people, a vast number of people in 2011 were going through incredibly difficult times, I was knocking on doors on minus 10, minus 15 in that cold February and i was coming across houses that were knocking down their own staircases to feed the fire so it was a rough time and I have a very vivid memory of the difficulties that people had and I was going to remain faithful to articulating that.“
Moncrieff: “How come you were the only one, Colm.”
Keaveney: “I’m not going to say that I was the only one but I was the only one that made the choice, I made a deliberate choice.”
Moncrieff: “But why didn’t others make the choice, does that mean that every other politician…”
Keaveney: “Because political parties by their nature are about climbing, and climbing to the top and those people who have co-operated with the austerity and co-operated with the, the convenient loss of memory around commitments given to child benefit, third level fees, the respite grant, cuts to mental health, they’re all ministers today.”
Alan Kellyon a visit to Gardiner Street, Dublin today
Further to Anne Ferris’ expulsion from the Labour party…
“The Labour Party is a very united party, we’re very clear on what we have achieved and very clear on why we’re going into the future, and as deputy leader, I will drive that.
I spoke to Anne. Obviously it’s a very sensitive issue, and it’s an issue that Anne felt very strongly on, but we’ll be speaking to Anne into the future. I mean, this is a unique issue, a very sensitive issue.
But constitutionally, I can’t stand here and vote for something that I know to be unconstitutional. In fact, it would be against the constitution to do that.”
“I’m used to those comments from him [Homeless activist Peter McVerry about progress on the number of beds available]. I haven’t heard him say one thing positive yet in relation to anything. Which is unfortunate because many members of his staff who work with us would have contrary views or express contrary views. I’d rather if people were more constructive...”