Tag Archives: GSOC

Garda

You may recall a post from last year about the Children’s Ombudsman’s investigation into the HSE’s neglect of a 10-year-old rape victim, Maggie*.

Maggie was accompanied by her mother when she told Gardaí she had been raped in 2006. The Gardaí referred her to the HSE but the HSE failed to provide her with a follow-up services for several weeks. Within that time she was raped by the same man again. When Maggie finally did speak to the HSE, she felt the HSE didn’t believe her, prompting her to attempt suicide.

Last night, on RTÉ Radio One’s Drivetime Philip Boucher Hayes returned to the case in light of the  recent GSOC controversy.

He reported that gardaí withheld information from GSOC for four years while Maggie’s mother Sarah* wrote to the Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan about the situation two years ago but did not receive a reply or acknowledgement.

He also reported Sarah’s claims that some gardaí didn’t make themselves available for interview with GSOC.

Mr Boucher Hayes then played a recorded interview he conducted with Sarah last week.

Sarah: “I made a complaint because there was a three-year turnaround for the file to come back from the DPP. It took 18 months for the first file to go to the DPP in the first place whereas I had been told, after a year, that it was gone. I only found out by default that it was still sitting in the garda station. So I wanted to highlight the delay, number one. And I also wanted to highlight all the issues I felt hadn’t been dealt with and I had come up with 10 in total, that we wrote back to the DPP asking for these 10 points be reviewed and for the file to be reviewed.”

Philip Boucher Hayes: “This complaint has been with the Garda Ombudsman then for over four years. What’s your understanding from GSOC as to the progress of their investigation.”

Sarah: “I know they have, they’re dealing with a lot of brick walls. They’re finding it very difficult to get information, they’re finding it difficult to get files.”

Boucher Hayes: “They have told you this?”

Sarah: “Yes,yes, they’re still waiting on the first file from four years ago.”

Boucher Hayes: “Sorry, when you say the file, do you mean the files gardaí would have sent to the DPP – that GSOC still haven’t got those four years later?”

Sarah: “No all they have are my statements and eventually statements from the gardaí. There was, as far as I know, nearly two years of a delay in getting the gardaí interviewed for it.”

Boucher Hayes: “So in addition to not receiving the files after four years, the gardaí that GSOC wish to interview haven’t all yet been interviewed?”

Sarah: “For the second case the guards have not been interviewed yet, no.”

Boucher Hayes: “Is there any reason or explanation that GSOC offered as to why this happened?”

Sarah: “What I’ve been told is that they’re not making themselves available for interview.”

Boucher Hayes: “So your understanding, let’s just be clear about this, only comes from GSOC and not from the gardaí and they are telling you that the gardaí, some of the gardaí, are just not making themselves available for interview?”

Sarah: “Yes that’s correct.”

Boucher Hayes: “Have you written to anybody else about this?”

Sarah: “I wrote to Commissioner [Martin] Callinan and I also wrote to Minister [Alan] Shatter two years ago. I’m still waiting for an answer for the two letters that went to the Garda Commissioner and Minister Shatter told me it wasn’t his department.”

Boucher Hayes: “And were the letters even acknowledged by the Garda Commissioner?”

Sarah: “No, no they weren’t acknowledged at all.”

Mr Boucher Hayes sent this interview to the gardaí last Friday for comment but they declined to comment officially.

However, yesterday morning, the files arrived at GSOC.

Mr Boucher Hayes also reported that, within An Garda Síochána, a disciplinary investigation with regard to Maggie’s case has been upgraded by one level, while GSOC may upgrade their investigation into Maggie’s case to a ‘public interest inquiry’.

Philip Boucher Hayes: “Her mother’s complaint to GSOC is that gardaí haven’t cooperated with GSOC’s investigation because they’ve been withholding investigation files for four years now. Files that are, by my reading of the legislation, supposed to have been handed over within one month of that investigation commencing.”

….Sarah, Maggie’s mother, alleges that there was a number of shortcomings in the original garda investigation. And at face value, it would appear to be the case or at least there is some substance to her complaint, otherwise GSOC wouldn’t have investigated it. They have given it the status of a supervised investigation which is the more serious and rare kind of inquiries that they can conduct. She claims that several key witnesses weren’t interviewed by gardaí and that there was a failure to gather important evidence. She also alleges that as Maggie became more comfortable about being interviewed by gardaí and talking about her abuse that she made a disclosure alleging that two men had joined her abuser, to take photographs of her naked but gardaí refused to take a statement from her on this claim. In addition to which she said that she made several complaints about the handling of the case and that once she had that Maggie herself was subject to harassment by gardaí. Now she is telling this programme, me, that she made a complaint to GSOC four years ago, actually in December of 2009 but that the GSOC investigation of that complaint, of the garda handling of Maggie’s case, has been frustrated by the gardaí’s refusal to make files available to GSOC in that case.

Listen back in full here.

Previously: The Case of Maggie

*Not real name.

00146734

[Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan and Alan Shatter]

For the week that’s in it.

A comprehensive GSOC bugging/ Garda whistleblower timeline.

December 2, 2003: Kieran Boylan, from Ardee, Co. Louth is caught by members of the National Bureau of Criminal Investigation in a ‘Garda stakeout’ receiving more than €700,000 worth of cocaine and heroin at Dublin Port. He’s charged and released on bail.

October 6, 2005: Boylan is caught with €1.7million of cocaine and heroin in Ardee, Co. Louth, by members of the Garda National Drugs Unit.

December 21, 2005: It’s reported Boylan was remanded on bail by Judge Desmond Hogan pending sentence at Dublin Circuit Criminal Court in relation to the Dublin Port charges. The court heard a detective garda agree  with Boylan’s defence lawyers that Boylan believed the heroin he collected  was cocaine and that this indicated that he was not ‘in the hierarchy of the operation’. The court also heard the detective accept that Boylan was in debt and under pressure from his associates in England – whom Boylan was involved with before when he was jailed for 7 and a 1/2 years in England over cannabis possession, in 1997.

February 16, 2006: It’s reported that Judge Desmond Hogan – again in relation to the Dublin Port charges – sentences Boylan for five years and suspends the final two years, on condition Boylan keeps the peace.

February 4, 2007: John Mooney reports in The Sunday Times that charges against Boylan, in relation to the €1.7million drugs haul, were struck out in June 2006 because the DPP failed to give detectives from the Garda National Drugs Unit any direction in the case. Mr Mooney also reports that Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny and Labour’s Brendan Howlin are demanding to know why the charges in relation to the €1.7million drug haul were not pursued against Boylan. It’s reported that Boylan is said to have boasted that he is ‘untouchable’ and will never stand trial in relation to the €1.7m drugs find, while an internal Garda inquiry into the case is under way by Garda Commssioner Noel Conroy and Chief Superintendent Kevin Ludlow. It’s reported that Mr Kenny said: ‘Drugs are the single greatest threat to Irish society. I want the government to give a full explanation on this case. I will be tabling questions on the nature of the inquiry into Boylan and why he isn’t before the courts when he was caught with such a large amount of heroin and cocaine’.

February 11, 2007: Mr Mooney reports that his sources informed him Boylan evaded prosecution because he knows of ‘rogue Garda operations’ with drug dealers. Mr Mooney reports a source saying: ‘Boylan cannot be charged because he will start talking. They (the gardai) can’t afford for him to air his allegations in a public forum because he could cause a tribunal.’

April 30, 2007: Taxi driver Mary Lynch is violently assaulted by Jerry McGrath in Virginia, Co. Cavan. McGrath had his zip undone as he bit her, viciously kicked her and pulled out lumps of her hair. He left her with a black eye, bruising down her side and  bruises on her neck, as he held his hands around her neck during the assault. McGrath was released on station bail of €300 the next day, before Mary Lynch gave a statement. McGrath was never questioned about details of her statement. He was charged with assault with no conditions attached to his bail.

October 2007: A file on Mary Lynch’s assault is finally sent to the DPP with a recommendation that the case be dealt with in the district court. Micheal Clifford, of the Irish Examiner, has reported that “the file came back within three weeks, upgrading the charge to Section 3, “assault causing harm” and a robbery charge. The DPP instructed that it should be dealt with by the district court only if a guilty plea was entered on both charges. Otherwise, it should go to trial in the Circuit Court.”

October 9, 2007: McGrath tried to abduct a five-year-old girl from a house which he had broken into, in Dundrum, Co. Tipperary. The girl’s father managed to overpower McGrath and hold him until the gardaí arrived. McGrath was charged with assault causing harm, burglary and false imprisonment. He was held in Limerick Prison.

October 18, 2007: McGrath’s Cavan assault case involving Mary Lynch was due for a routine review of bail in Virginia District Court. McGrath’s solicitor was told McGrath didn’t need to attend the two-minute routine hearing. No objection was made at Virginia District Court to renew McGrath’s bail on the Cavan assault charge – even though it was known that McGrath was in custody for assault causing harm, burglary and false imprisonment.

October 30, 2007: An application for bail by McGrath was made in Clonmel Circuit Court on the Tipperary false imprisonment charge. Detective Sergeant John Long objected but the court was not told about the Cavan assault and McGrath was granted bail. Michael Clifford, of the Irish Examiner, has reported: “In a subsequent investigation, Sgt Long said that prior to the bail application, he had checked McGrath’s background on the garda Pulse system. (This would be second nature to any garda investigating a violent incident). On seeing an entry about Cavan, he rang an “unidentified garda” in a “Cavan station” — also unidentified — and was told that the case involved a minor assault over a taxi fare.”

December 7, 2007: McGrath murdered separated mother-of-two Silvia Roche Kelly in the Clarion Hotel in Limerick.

January 5, 2008: Mary Lynch, who at this point was eventually told her case would be heard in Virginia District Court on January 7, received a phone call, telling her there was no need for her to show up at the case hearing as it would be held over.

January 7, 2008: Mary Lynch received a call from an inspector saying McGrath received a nine-month sentence for the assault on her. The Irish Examiner reported Ms Lynch saying: “I told him that I was told the case was not going ahead and he said he knew nothing about that. I told him I was informed I would be given the opportunity to make a victim impact statement to the court. He said he did not know anything about that and he was only handed the case file that morning and told to go into the court. He also told me that if I wanted to see Jerry McGrath he was still in Virginia garda station. I said I do not want to see Jerry McGrath in a garda station, I wanted to see him in court.”

January 15, 2008: It’s reported that the charges against Boylan in relation to the €1.7m drugs haul are to be reinstated.

June 2008: Garda Commissioner Fachtna Murphy sets up an internal inquiry to examine Boylan’s relationship with certain members of the Gardaí.

June 2008: Sgt Maurice McCabe transfers out of Bailieboro Garda Station in Co. Cavan to Mullingar [where he works now]. Sgt McCabe had details of cases he believed were not investigated properly at Bailieboro, including false imprisonment and physical and sexual assaults, which he relayed to the then Garda Confidential Recipient Brian McCarthy. Mr McCarthy notified then Garda Commissioner Fachtna Murphy of Sgt McCabe’s complaints. Commissioner Murphy ordered an internal inquiry to be led by Assistant Commissioner Derek Byrne.

July 31, 2008: On the day the courts recessed for the summer, the charges against Boylan are dropped in an unscheduled court hearing, with the State entered a nolle prosequi. The barrister for the DPP said the decision was made at a high level but didn’t give any further explanation.

August 3, 2008: John Mooney reports in The Sunday Times that the charges against Boylan were dropped because he had threatened to reveal details of  his involvement with certain members of the gardaí. Mr Mooney also reports that Boylan claimed that he was involved in several entrapment-style operations where gardai would deliver drugs which he supplied to petty criminals, who were then later arrested and charged with certain gardaí’s careers benefiting from such operations. Then Garda Commissioner Fachtna Murphy and his deputy Martin Callinan both refused to comment on the matter to The Sunday Times.

It’s also reported that the then chief superintendent of the GNDU wrote to Martin Callinan asking if Boylan was a Garda informer. Mr Mooney reported that Callinan had confirmed in writing, on December 2, 2005, that Boylan was ‘not a registered source’. [Since the Morris Tribunal, all Garda informers have to be officially registered in the Covert Human Intelligence Source (CHIS) system]

October 19, 2008: John Mooney reports in The Sunday Times that the Garda Síochana Ombudsman Commission is to hold a public interest inquiry into the relationship between Kieran Boylan and a number of gardaí.

March 5, 2009: In the Dáil, Labour TD Pat Rabbitte spoke in relation to the charges dropped against Boylan, saying: “The only reasonable inference is that Boylan was saved from prison by the intervention of corrupt gardai or he was protected because he is a garda informant.”

April 19, 2009: John Mooney reports that in September 2008, the Department of Transport contravened its own rules and issued Boylan a road-haulage operator’s licence, following discussions with gardaí. He registered the licence under the Irish version of his name, Ciaran O’Baoighallan and that, while officials at the haulage licensing department in Galway at first refused to make the name change, they were instructed to do so by the Department of Transport. As proof of his identity, when he was getting the licence, Boylan produced a new passport and driving licence. The licence allows him to travel freely across Europe until September 2013.

November 14, 2010: It’s reported how an internal garda investigation into allegations of malpractice in the Cavan/Monaghan division – following complaints made in 2008 by Sgt Maurice McCabe, moved from Cavan to Mullingar, Co. Westmeath after he made his complaints – upheld some of the complaints but found no evidence of corruption. The investigation is led by Assistant Garda Commissioner Derek Byrne. Among Sgt McCabe’s allegations are claims that gardaí in Cavan, where he previously worked, didn’t carry out proper investigations into incidents including physical assaults, sexual assaults and false imprisonment.

It’s also reported a second internal probe was launched a month previous (October 2010) after Sgt McCabe claimed Assistant Commissioner Byrne assaulted and falsely imprisoned Sgt McCabe in the Hillgrove Hotel in Co. Monaghan on October 11, 2010, after Sgt McCabe revealed that he had removed hundreds of files from Pulse which showed gardaí had falsely claimed that certain people were involved in criminality. Sgt McCabe produced the files in front of Assistant Commissioner Byrne at the hotel when they – and two other officers – met to tell Sgt McCabe the results of the first investigation. Sgt McCabe claimed Assistant Commissioner Byrne would not let Sgt McCabe leave the hotel with the files. Assistant Commissioner Byrne took the files from Sgt McCabe.

It’s reported Nacie Rice, the deputy Garda Commissioner was appointed to investigate these claims of false imprisonment and assault, while the Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission had been notified of the allegations.

January [day unknown] 2012: Maurice McCabe went to the Garda Confidential Recipient, Oliver Connolly, with a dossier of 12 complaints alleging Garda malpractice and incompetence regarding serious cases of criminality. The dossier included allegations of malpractice and incompetence in relation to the case of Mary Lynch – the taxi driver who was assaulted by Jerry McGrath who went on to kill Sylvia Roche Kelly – cases of assault causing harm, charges that were allegedly not properly investigated, a case involving abduction and false imprisonment – a case which was not investigated and resulted in an attempt being made to offer the victim money on behalf of the suspects, and one involving falsification of records. Mr Connolly handed over details of these complaints to the Minister for Justice, Alan Shatter, who then handed the dossier over to the Mr Callinan.

GSOC investigated a section of the Sylvia Roche Kelly case and it recommended that disciplinary action be taken against two officers. But Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan declined to discipline the two officers.

February [day unknown] 2012: It’s understood Mr Connolly spoke to Mr Shatter and told him about the whistleblowers and that Mr Connolly met with Mr Shatter again before Easter and discussed the allegations.

February 9, 2012: Mr Connolly met Sgt McCabe, who taped their conversation. They discussed Sgt McCabe’s 12 complaints, including a previous complaint Sgt McCabe made against the Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan in relation to his intentions to the promote a senior officer. Mr Connolly tells Sgt McCabe that no further action will be taken on his complaints. Mr Connolly also warns Sgt McCabe: ‘I’ll tell you something Maurice – and this is just personal advice to you – if Shatter thinks you’re screwing him, you’re finished.’ Mr Connolly advised Sgt McCabe to avoid going to the media and to go through the courts system. Mr Connolly assures Sgt McCabe that Minister Shatter looked into Sgt McCabe’s complaints in detail.

March [day unknown] 2012: Garda John Wilson and Sgt Maurice McCabe make a complaint to the Garda Confidential Recipient, Oliver Connolly, about the quashing of penalty points. Mr Connolly gave this complaint to the Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan.

May [day unknown] 2012: Mr McCabe sends Mr Connolly more information, alleging the quashing of penalty points.

July [day unknown] 2012: Mr McCabe gave Enda Kenny information of alleged misconduct concerning penalty points and offered to meet Mr Shatter, with his legal team, including former Attorney General and former Minister for Justice Michael McDowell, and to provide him with files and information. Enda Kenny replied to McCabe and said Mr Shatter would deal with his request.

August [day unknown] 2012: Mr McCabe wrote to Mr Kenny again, in relation to the penalty points.

September [day unknown] 2012: Mr McCabe wrote to Mr Kenny again.

November 11, 2012: John Mooney reports in The Sunday Times that the conviction of Andrew Kearns is one of several being investigated by GSOC, as part of its public interest inquiry into Boylan’s relationship with certain gardaí. Mr Mooney reports that Kearns, a single father from Crumlin, had agreed to collect a shipment of cocaine in March 2005, in order for a gang to waive a debt of €3,000. His contact was Boylan. When Kearns collected the cocaine in Ardee, Co.Louth, Boylan was present at the handover of cocaine worth €280,000. Mr Mooney reported certain gardaí used Boylan as an agent provocateur in order for the gardaí to secure promotions and praise in the media.

November 13, 2012: In response to reports that Garda management had blocked and obstructed GSOC’s investigation into the Boylan affair, Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan rejected the claims and insisted he and members of the gardaí fully assisted the four-year investigation into Boylan.

November 13, 2012: Justice Minister Alan Shatter announces that he will extend Commissioner Martin Callinan’s retirement from August 2013 to August 2015.

December 4, 2012: After receiving no response from the Garda Commissioner, the two garda whistleblowers approach  United Left Alliance TD, Clare Daly to voice their concerns to her. United Left Alliance TDs Clare Daly and Joan Collins use parliamentary privilege in the Dáil to name Judge Mary Devins as someone who has had their penalty points quashed.

December 7, 2012: Commissioner Callinan issues a press statement in relation to the penalty points, saying he has appointed Assistant Commissioner John O’Mahoney to look into the allegations before adding: “There is no question of what has been described as a culture of non-enforcement of penalties being tolerated by An Garda Síochána.”

December 9, 2012: John Mooney reports in The Sunday Times that GSOC’s report into Boylan is due within a week and that Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan, and his predecessor Fachtna Murphy, may be embarrassed by GSOC’s eventual findings, given that they oversaw three internal investigations into the links between Boylan and certain gardaí which didn’t find any evidence of wrongdoing.

December 11, 2012:  Under privilege in the Dáil, United Left Alliance TD, Joan Collins names several high-profile people who had penalty points quashed including rugby player Ronan O’Gara, Irish Independent crime reporter, Paul Williams and Judge Mary Devins, again.

December 16, 2012: John Mooney reports in The Sunday Times that GSOC’s investigation resulted in a 500-page report which was sent to the DPP, and recommends that charges be brought against Boylan and a garda. Mr Mooney reports that the inquiry found some operations were run ‘off the books’ and not in line with regulations brought in after the Morris Tribunal. It’s reported that GSOC were also critical of Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan, who it’s reported, made representations to the DPP about Boylan’s €1.7m drugs case before the charges were dropped in July 2008. And it’s reported that GSOC questioned the reliability of information sent from gardaí to the DPP after Boylan’s €1.7m drugs arrest in Ardee.

December 17, 2012: A letter is sent to Sgt McCabe, from the assistant secretary at the Department of Justice, which is also forwarded to Enda Kenny and Leo Varadkar. The letter is, in the main, in response to an email Sgt McCabe sent on December 12, 2012 in relation to the quashing of penalty points. However, it also refers to the dossier of serious complaints that Sgt McCabe made to the confidential recipient in January. It states: “While your email mainly relates to the current allegations regarding the cancellation of fixed charge notices, you also refer back to a response by the Minister in February to the Garda confidential recipient in relation to an investigation by the Garda Commissioner of other allegations. As you know, of the 12 individual allegations made in the report to the confidential recipient, the Commissioner advised that 11 had already been thoroughly investigated by an Assistant Commissioner and a Chief Superintendent, that this investigation had been reviewed by a Deputy Commissioner (because of a related complaint made against the Assistant Commissioner), and that no evidence of corruption or malpractice had been discovered. You will also recall that the Commissioner, as regards the other case, was of the view that the investigation complained of was in fact efficiently and speedily carried out.”

January 28, 2013: Clare Daly is arrested on suspicion of drink driving. She’s brought in a patrol car to the Kilmainham Garda Station where she was placed in a cell on her own at one point. She provides a urine sample and when she’s released a female Garda tells her to ‘come back when you are sober’. Ms Daly is handcuffed during her arrest. Details of her arrest are leaked to the press. She says she had taken a hot whiskey for a cold during a meeting at a house prior to her arrest.

February 8, 2013: Clare Daly receives the official result of the urine sample. It was 45 milligrammes per 100 millilitres of urine – 33% below the allowable limit. Ms Daly tells RTÉ that she made a complaint to GSOC about the leaking of the arrest to sections of the media and that the body was investigating this.

April 19, 2013: Irish Independent published journalist Gemma O’Doherty’s story that Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan had penalty points quashed. More than a week previous, after she confirmed that the address she had was that of Martin Callinan – and essentially confirmed her story – she was given a dressing-down by her bosses at Independent News and Media, including Ian Mallon, Michael Denieffe and editor Stephen Rae – who told Ms O’Doherty that her behaviour was that of a ‘rogue reporter’. Some weeks later she lost her position as Travel Editor, which it’s reported Mr Rae ordered and then, another few weeks later, she’s informed by managing director Declan Carlisle that she is being made redundant. She is told that if she doesn’t take it voluntarily, she will receive notice of compulsory redundancy. She doesn’t accept it voluntarily and therefore immediately receives compulsory redundancy. Ms O’Doherty is now suing INM and Mr Rae.

April 21, 2013: Sgt McCabe writes to Enda Kenny to relay his concerns over not being interviewed for the internal Garda inquiry into the quashing of penalty points, saying he had “serious concerns regarding not being contacted or interviewed regarding my allegations. It would appear that the (O’Mahony) investigation is complete and if this is the case it’s a shocking development. One would imagine that I would be one of the first to be interviewed“. [This is reported by RTÉ on February 23, 2014].

May 5, 2013: Philip Ryan, in the Sunday Independent reports that the original allegations made by Sgt McCabe and John Wilson include details that some motorists, who were involved in fatal accidents, had penalty points quashed both before and after fatal accidents.

May 9, 2013: GSOC publishes a 12-page report in relation to its Boylan inquiry on its website but can’t publish its actual findings or report. The publication of the 12-page report follows the decision by the DPP – on April 23, 2013 – that no prosecutions were warranted after it received a 500-page report into the Kieran Boylan collusion allegations by GSOC in December 2012. GSOC reports ‘grave concern’ about ‘deficiencies’ in the Garda informant management system and criticises An Garda Síochána for delaying their investigation.

It states that: “Delays in access to documentation and intelligence held by the Garda Síochána were a consistent feature of this inquiry. The Ombudsman Commission, under the present protocols, is wholly reliant upon assurances from the Garda Síochána that the evidence and information they have supplied represents the totality of such information held. This leaves scope to question the completeness and independence of oversight.”

It also stated: “The Ombudsman Commission is reliant upon Garda members to access the PULSE System and other computerised intelligence systems on its behalf. The absence of any independent access to these systems again raises issues around the effectiveness of the Ombudsman Commission’s oversight investigative function.”

And it recommended that: “…the disclosure and transfer, to the Ombudsman Commission, of evidence and information belonging to, held by or in the possession of the Garda Síochána, in criminal investigations, be bolstered, either through legislation or other means, to ensure full, verifiable, timely and unredacted provision. This should include the supply of sensitive and/or informant-related intelligence to the Ombudsman Commission.”

The report also states that GSOC believes that many of the recommendations made by the Morris Tribunal remain relevant. Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan rejects the criticism and says gardaí did co-operate with GSOC.

May 15, 2013: An internal Garda report into the penalty point allegations led by Assistant Commissioner John O’Mahoney concludes there was no such widespread quashing of penalty points.

May 16, 2013: Justice Minister Alan Shatter and Mick Wallace appear on Prime Time to talk about the Assistant Commissioner John O’Mahoney’s penalty points report. During their discussion, Mr Shatter accuses Mr Wallace of having been stopped by the Gardaí in May 2012. Mr Shatter says Mr Wallace was on his phone while driving, saying: “Deputy Wallace himself was stopped with a mobile, on a mobile phone last May, by members of An Garda Síochána and he was advised by the guard who stopped him that a fixed ticket charge could issue and you would be, he could be given penalty points.”

May 20, 2013: Mick Wallace goes on RTÉ’s Pat Kenny Show and says he can recall an incident involving Gardaí a the Five Lamps on the North Circular Road but that he was neither stopped nor warned. Instead, he says: “I was parked at the lights and a Garda vehicle came up beside me. And I was on the phone…which I know, I was wrong, I shouldn’t have been on it. The guard..I rolled down the window, the guard rolled down his window. There was two guards there. And I said ‘oh’, I just had my hand up and they said ‘it’s OK’. And, left it at that. And we just, we made small talk after for maybe about 15/20 seconds and the lights went green and I drove on straight and they pulled out. The guards were friendly.”

Mr Wallace says he plans to make a complaint to the Standards In Public Office Commission (SIPO). He lodges a complaint with the Data Protection Commissioner Billy Hawkes about the disclosure of information by Minister Shatter.

May 21, 2013: Minister Shatter tells the Dáil, Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan told him about Mr Wallace and the incident at the Five Lamps.

May 27, 2013: Sgt McCabe emails Enda Kenny about the penalty points controversy, in which he refers to what Mr Connolly warned him, writing: “Mr Shatter is in the public spotlight at the moment, and unlike him, I do not intend to play the man and not the ball. It is suffice to say that my figures are correct, my allegations are correct, and despite receiving information that Mr Shatter would ‘go after me’ if I brought the matter further, I am standing firm.” [This is reported by Michael Clifford, in the Irish Examiner on February 20, 2014]

Summer [date unknown] 2013: It’s understood GSOC decided to take out a section of a report into Kieran Boylan out of the report, prior to publication but a couple of weeks later this section was mentioned to GSOC chairman Simon O’Brien. The person who mentioned the section was Martin Callinan. A few months previous a senior member of Garda management rang GSOC and threatened to use analysts to find out where The Sunday Times were getting their information from. [John Mooney, of the Sunday Times, reported this on Tonight With Vincent Browne on February 18, 2014]

September 2013: GSOC hires UK security experts Verrimus to carry out a secret surveillance sweep of its offices in Upper Abbey Street, Dublin 1. Two ‘technical anomalies’ or security threats were discovered by Verrimus.

September 16, 2013: Broadsheet reports that group editor of the Irish Independent, The Herald and the Sunday Independent, Stephen Rae had penalty points, which were incurred on November 5, 2009, quashed.

September 20, 2013: A Justice Department senior official wrote to Sgt MCabe telling him he should give any material he had to a member of the Oireachtas, or an Oireachtas Committee or to another legally-allowed recipient. [RTÉ reports this on February 23, 20140].

October 1, 2013: The Comptroller and Auditor General issues a report which finds one in five motorists avoided penalty points because their cases were not pursued. For 2011 and 2012 – the C&AG found approximately 2,900 cases were terminated for around 700 vehicles, with three or more cases terminated each. [On February 22, 2014, Fianna Fáil John McGuinness said on RTÉ Saturday With Claire Byrne that Sgt McCabe gave the C&AG information to help them with their report into the quashing of penalty points].

October 2, 2013: In light of the C&AG report, Minister Shatter referred to the two whistleblowers when he accuses them of not cooperating with the garda investigation that had taken place, saying: ‘In so far as individuals who raised issues, are alleging that the Garda reports published are untrue, let them bring forward the chapter and verse and proof of that. I’m open to being convinced, but they haven’t done so. Indeed, having engaged with members of this House, and published material, they didn’t cooperate with the Garda investigations that took place. Now I don’t know why that is.’

October 7, 2013: Verrimus identifies a third security threat and it’s understood the equipment used is only available to government-level agencies.

October 8, 2013: GSOC launches a public interest investigation under the Garda Síochána Act on suspicion surveillance may have originated from within the force.

Late October [day unknown], 2013: Sgt McCabe writes to Minister Shatter asking him to explain who told him that Sgt McCabe was “offered the opportunity… to submit any evidence or other relevant information…. but did not do so”, before adding that he was “never afforded a right of reply or a right of response” after he complained about alleged quashing of points by certain gardaí. Sgt McCabe asked the Justice Department to supply him with any documents that suppoted the claim that he had not co-operated. [RTÉ reports this on February 23, 2014]

November 20, 2013: Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan appears before the Public Service Oversight and Petitions Committee in relation to GSOC’s Boylan report. Responding to claims that certain informants were run ‘off the books’, Mr Callinan said neither he nor any of his senior team was aware of gardaí bypassing the Covert Human Intelligence Source (CHIS) system. He said: “I can assure you that, as far as I am aware, I am not aware of any such activity and if GSOC have any evidence that that is occurring I will deal with it very, very firmly. ” When asked how a person could have the oversight to catch gardaí who worked outside of CHIS, he said: “How do you cater for something you don’t know about?”.

He also said that if GSOC had any information that informants were being run ‘off the books’ then it should be passed on to him and he’d deal with it firmly.

November 21, 2013: It’s reported that Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan has written to the Public Accounts Committee asking for the return of a ‘box of evidence’ that a whistleblower [Sgt Maurice McCabe] gave to the chair of the committee, John McGuinness. It’s believed to contain previously undisclosed information about the alleged quashing of points and subsequent loss of revenue to the State.

November 22, 2013: The Dáil hears a debate on the Road Traffic Bill 2013. During the debate Fianna Fáil TD Timothy Dooley proposed that the maximum jail sentence for fleeing the scene of an accident causing injury would be up to 10 years and/or a fine of up to €5,000 instead of the current six months. He also proposed that the length of time a garda can test a hit-and-run suspect for alcohol and drugs be extended from three hours to 24 hours after the incident. Mr Dooley was approached by hit-and-run victim Shane O’Farrell’s family about these legislation changes. During the debate Independent TD, Finian McGrath addressed Transport Minister Leo Varadkar about how the man who killed Mr O’Farrell, 23 – and who was later acquitted of his killing – was stopped by gardaí just an hour before the hit-and-run.

Mr McGrath said: “An hour before her [Lucia O’Farrell’s] son, Shane, was killed, the particular individuals were pulled up an hour earlier at a Garda checkpoint and there was no alcohol on the driver. The driver was asked to switch as he was also uninsured. This implied that an hour earlier he was alcohol free when he murdered her son, Shane. This was not a Garda checkpoint. This was an unmarked drug squad car, sitting in a ditch that had pulled up this car as the registration was flagged on their system. No breathalyser was used, no drink test at the side of the road. They were asked then to switch the drivers and they were searched. They were waved on.”

December 3, 2013: Sgt McCabe writes to Minister Shatter again to say he’s “very concerned that someone has told Minister Shatter information about me of a very serious nature and I am being refused the right to know the identity of the person or persons who advised him. I want to know now who advised Minister Shatter of this and when. If you refuse to give me this information I would like to know the reason why you are refusing me? I have the right to know who passed this information to Minister Shatter and when.’ [RTE reports this on February 23, 2014].

December 4, 2013: A Justice Department senior official emails Sgt McCabe saying Sgt McCabe was offered the chance to provide more evidence to the head of the internal penalty points inquiry, Assistant Commissioner John O’Mahony, saying “our understanding on this comes from the Garda Commissioner“. [RTÉ reports this on February 23, 2014].
December [day unknown] 2013: GSOC decides to improve the security at its offices on Abbey Street, in Dublin. GSOC chairman Simon O’Brien decides not to tell Justice Minister Alan Shatter of Verrimus’ findings.

January 23, 2014: Garda Commissioner Martin Callinan appears before the Public Accounts Committee to discuss the C&AG report in relation to the fixed charge notice system. Commissioner Callinan was accompanied by Assistant Commissioner John O’Mahoney, who carried out the internal Garda investigation into the penalty point allegations. During their discussions, Sinn Féin’s Mary Lou McDonald asked Mr O’Mahoney: “Am I right to state that at no stage in the course of Assistant Commissioner O’Mahoney’s investigation did he speak to or interview the whistleblowers?” Mr O’Mahoney replied: “That is correct.” The TD asked why and Mr O’Mahoney replied: “First and foremost the documentation provided to the Commissioner and subsequently to me was unsigned and unattributed. I proceeded with my examination on the basis I was dealing with anonymous allegations.” Also during his appearance, the Commissioner describes it as ‘quite disgusting’ that two members of a 13,000-strong Garda force would make ‘extraordinary allegations’ while there’s not a ‘whisper’ from other members of the Gardaí of ‘corruption or malpractice’.

January 24, 2014: It’s reported that Commissioner Callinan has consulted the Attorney General’s office about preventing Sgt McCabe from going before PAC.

January 28, 2014: Minister Shatter reveals that GSOC will hold a new penalty points inquiry.

January 29, 2014: GSOC’s chairman Kieran Fitzgerald says, in relation to its investigation into the quashing of penalty points, it would seek access to the Garda PULSE system. He also said he hopes the probe will get better and quicker co-operation from Garda management than in previous investigations.

January 30, 2014: Sgt Maurice McCabe gives nearly three hours of evidence to the Public Accounts Committee. He later requests a transcript of this meeting, the outcome of which is understood to be still pending.

February 5, 2014: Independent TD Mick Wallace reads into the Dáil record a section of a transcript of a conversation between Sgt McCabe and the Garda Confidential Recipient Oliver Connolly, from February 9, 2012. Mr Wallace says: ‘It includes the following: “I’ll tell you something, Maurice, and this is just personal advice to you. If Shatter thinks you’re screwing him, you’re finished”.’ This is the second time Mick Wallace reads this into Dáil record. He first read it out on December 4, 2012.

February 8, 2014: Michael Clifford, of the Irish Examiner, writes that a complaint was made to the Garda Confidential Recipient in January 2012 against Commissioner Martin Callinan – over his intentions to promote a senior officer who was under investigation. Mr Clifford writes that the complaint against the Commissioner was given to the Commissioner to deal with. The Commissioner ‘quickly responded that the complaint had no basis’.

February 9, 2014: John Mooney, of The Sunday Times, reports there were three attempts to either spy on or bug GSOC’s offices in Dublin.

February 10, 2014: Taoiseach Enda Kenny claims thatthe GSOC under Mr O’Brien should have reported the Verrimus investigation to Minister Shatter but this is not the case. The minister holds a two-hour meeting with Mr O’Brien, who later makes a statement to say the threats could not be comprehensively explained, that ‘there was no evidence of Garda misconduct’ and that he regretted not telling Minister Shatter about the Verrimus investigation. Fine Gael/Labour coalition reject calls for an independent inquiry.

February 11, 2014: Mr O’Brien and Mr Callinan meet for two hours and both agree to move on from the incident. The Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors call on Mr O’Brien to resign. Minister Shatter tells Dáil the claims of bugging were ‘baseless innuendo’. He says GSOC ‘ concluded that no definitive evidence of unauthorised technical or electronic surveillance of their offices was found. Moreover, they have informed me that their databases have not been compromised. In other words, it has not been established that the offices of the Ombudsman Commission were subject to surveillance.’ He also said: ‘There was no specific concern which caused GSOC to organise the security sweep, which was carried out by a security firm based in Britain. It was a routine sweep.’ Also in the Dáil, Enda Kenny said: ‘If you’re asking me ‘was the office bugged, what I’m saying to you, in the words of GSOC that they found, following the investigation, no evidence of sophisticated evidence of unauthorised technical or electronic surveillance of their offices found, I think that’s pretty clear.”

GSOC’s Kieran Fitzgerald goes on RTÉ’s Prime Time and says that while GSOC cannot say definitively they were under surveillance, the chance that one of the anomalies being innocent was ‘remote to zero’.

February 11, 2014: Fianna Fáil leader Mícheal Martin, during Leader’s Questions, repeats some of what Mr Wallace read into the Dáil a week previous and some more – from the taped conversation between Sgt McCabe and Oliver Connolly on February 9, 2012.

February 12, 2014: Enda Kenny announces that he has asked the Department of Justice to furnish him with a report into the alleged comments about Shatter going after Sgt McCabe.

February 12, 2014: Minister Shatter says: “There’s a reference to some transcript. I’m not privy to the transcript, I don’t know anything about the meeting that took place, I don’t know how the transcript was created.”

February 12, 2014: Mr O’Brien tells the Public Service Oversight and Petitions Oireachtas Committee that he suspects GSOC was bugged and that it could have been gardaí. He tells the committee that GSOC held meetings in cafés on Capel Street in Dublin because they were afraid they were being bugged.

February 13, 2014: Tánaiste Eamon Gilmore tells the Dáil he believes no State agency was involved in any suspected GSOC bugging. On RTÉ’s Prime Time, Minister Shatter is asked why his account of events in the Dáil on February 11 was different to that given by the GSOC chairman Simon O’Brien to the Oireachtas committee on February 12, and to that of Kieran Fitzgerald on Prime Time on February 11. Mr Shatter put it down to general confusion while also insisting what he said in the Dáil was exactly what GSOC told him.

February 18, 2014: Broadsheet posts the full transcript of the conversation between Oliver Connolly and Sgt Maurice McCabe.

February 19, 2014: Garda Confidential Recipient Oliver Connolly is sacked.

February 19, 2014: Fianna Fáil leader Micheal Martin says he has documents, obtained from Sgt McCabe, suggesting that gardaí failed to act on allegations of abduction, assault, murder and other serious crimes. He says he’s passed them on to the Department of the Taoiseach for full investigation.

February 19, 2014: Government appoints retired High Court Judge John Cooke to conduct the Independent Inquiry into Reports of Unlawful Surveillance of GSOC.

February 20, 2014: Minister Shatter releases a statement into the sacking of Mr Connolly, saying: “I informed him that in the context of his failure to unequivocally repudiate the content of the alleged conversation or take the necessary action to restore public confidence in the office of Confidential Recipient, I believed his position was untenable and I had no alternative but to relieve him of the position.”

February 21, 2014: Broadsheet posts a letter dated December 17, 2012, which was sent from the assistant secretary at the Department of Justice, and which was forwarded to Enda Kenny and Leo Varadkar’s departments. As mentioned above, the letter is, in the main, in response to an email Sgt McCabe sent on December 12, 2012 in relation to the quashing of penalty points. But it also refers to the dossier of serious complaints that Sgt McCabe made to the confidential recipient in January and which has been passed on to the Taoiseach, via Fianna Fáil’s Mícheal Martin.

February 22, 2014: Fianna Fáil TD John McGuinness, speaking on Saturday With Claire Byrne, reveals a third whistleblower, believed to be a female Garda, is set to come forward with fresh allegations against Garda practices within the next week. Mr McGuinness also recalls the case of 23-year-old Shane O’Farrell who was killed in a hit-and-run outside Carrickmacross, Co.Monaghan on August 2, 2011 by Zigimantas Gridzuiska, 39, from Lithuania. Gridzuiska had 42 previous convictions in three different jurisdictions and was out on bail at the time of the killing. Judge Pat McCartan acquitted him of dangerous driving causing death. He was then given the choice of eight months in prison or to leave the country within 21 days. He chose to leave.

February 23, 2014: Philip Ryan, in the Sunday Independent, reports that attempts were made by Garda colleagues to blame Sgt McCabe for releasing Jerry McGrath from custody before McGrath went on to kill Sylvia Roche Kelly.

Sources: Sunday Times, Irish Examiner, Phoenix magazine, RTÉ, Sunday Independent, Irish Times, Irish Independent, Irish Daily Mail, Mail on Sunday, and RTÉ.

mary:maurice

[Sergeant Maurice McCabe and Mary Lynch]

Mary Lynch

 

A letter sent by Sgt Maurice McCabe to Jon Leeman, of the GSOC [Garda Síochána Ombudsman Commission], on October 27, 2011, after GSOC decided to discontinue its investigation into complaints made by Mary Lynch and to refer the case back to the Garda Commissioner..

Mary Lynch was violently assaulted by Jerry McGrath who was released on bail before Ms Lynch had made a statement.

McGrath went on and attempted to abduct a five-year-old girl and received bail again. He went on to kill Sylvia Roche Kelly in December 2007.

Yesterday, Philip Ryan, in the Sunday Independent, reported that garda colleagues attempted to blame Sgt McCabe for the release of McGrath from custody following the attack on Ms Lynch.

He also reported that Ms Lynch has made fresh complaints to GSOC, and GSOC is now undergoing a new inquiry into the release of Jerry McGrath on bail after his assault on Ms Lynch.

Earlier: The Thin Blue Timeline

(RTE)

ShatterDaill

[Justice Minister Alan Shatter in the Dáil last night]

Last night in the Dáil, Justice Minister Alan Shatter referred again to Section 80(5) the Garda Síochána Act 2005 in relation to the non-reporting of the surveillance sweep undertaken by GSOC to the minister before outlining that other sections provided for GSOC to tell him.

He said:

It is true that section 80(5) of the 2005 Act provides that GSOC may make a report to me in the
circumstances I have described, but this is better described as an enabling provision rather than a purely discretionary one. In other words, it should be used in circumstances contemplated by the provision. In that context, I don’t think that any reasonable person would regard concerns of the nature we are discussing as anything other than grave or exceptional. I am not sure how anyone could sensibly argue the opposite in circumstances where this issue has dominated the TV and radio news for days on end, has been the subject of countless newspaper headlines and articles, was the subject of statements in this House last week, is the subject of a motion in the House this evening, and is being examined as a matter of urgency by a Joint Committee of both Houses.

Even apart from this, however, there is the separate obligation in section 103 of the 2005 Act. Section 103 provides that GSOC, where it launches a section 102 investigation, shall inform the Minister of the progress and results of the investigation. An exception to this strict requirement is allowed in only three circumstances, namely where supplying the information would prejudice a criminal investigation or prosecution; would jeopardise a person’s safety; or for any other reason would not be in the public interest. The first two exceptions are irrelevant. As regards the third, I find it impossible to see how it would not be in the public interest for the Minister to be advised of an investigation in these circumstances.

However,

Vincentpanel

 

On Tonight with  Vincent Browne with  Former Supreme Court judge Catherine McGuinness, Sunday Times security correspondent John Mooney, Labour Senator Susan O’Keeffe and Fianna Fáil TD Niall Collins addressed the relevancy of the the Garda Síochana Act to the GSOC ‘situation’.

They also discussed how Mr Shatter has refused to confirm whether or not he has signed a warrant to allow for the surveillance of journalists and how Mr Shatter has not been asked if he signed a warrant for the bugging of GSOC’s phone.

Vincent Browne: “First of all, let’s deal with the legal issue. Catherine, a former Supreme Court judge, do you think really there’s any possible reading of Section 80 of the Garda Siochána Act 2005 that requires GSOC to inform the Minister for Justice of what it’s doing.”

Catherine McGuinness: “Well, looking at the text I would have said that there wasn’t an absolute requirement, certainly you could possibly say they might have a discretionary, a discretionary need to make a requirement to talk to the minister about something that was particularly grave. But I do think it’s left to their own discretion. But, in any case, I really do think that too much is being made of this, about whether the minister was told or the minister was not told. Certainly, from the point of view of GSOC when you look at what has happened – when the minister did hear about it, do you wonder that they didn’t tell him in the first place, you know?”

Browne: “That’s a separate issue. I’m just just talking about the legal thing – was there a legal requirement to tell them under Section 80 of the Garda Síocána Act 2005. He went on to say that, under Sections 102 and 103, there was clearly a requirement on them to inform him. And, I, I can’t, I think this is quite amazing. 102 says, it applies to a situation where a Garda Commissioner asks GSOC to enquire about something or when the Minister asks GSOC to enquire about something – then there is a requirement on GSOC to inform the minister, that’s…”

McGuinness: “Yes”

Browne: “That’s what it amounts to.”

McGuinness: “Yes.”

Browne: “Neither…”

McGuinness:These things haven’t happened.”

Browne: “These things hadn’t happened so it’s totally irrelevant.”

McGuinness: “I think that 102 is dealing with particular issues, particular issues that may arise like when the, as you have said, and I don’t think they’re connected with this particular situation. I was puzzled when I, frankly, I was puzzled when the minister said this.”

Browne: “It’s amazing that a solicitor, admittedly he spent most of his time in Family Law, but amazing that a solicitor can’t read and Act and understand it, isn’t it?”

Later

John Mooney: “This all arises out of a public interest inquiry that GSOC ran into collusion between a drug trafficker called Kieran Boylan, from Co. Louth, and members of a now disbanded elite unit of gardaí in Dublin. There were a lot of tensions in that as part of that inquiry. GSOC have been on the record about Garda management withheld documents from them, some documents weren’t furnished at all. That is because this individual was involved in extra-judicial operations, whereby he was trafficking drugs and setting up low-level people. But I think that there’s an issue in that file, in so far as there were weapons and drugs transported at one stage, through European countries.”

Browne: “Was there a remark made by Garda Síochána…”

Talk over each other

Mooney: “If you just let me finish the story. But, during that, we published a number of stories in The Sunday Times about what was happening and, at one point, a senior member of Garda management rang GSOC and threatened to use analysts to find out where we were getting our information from and because it was accurate. If we continue on into a couple of months until last summer, there was, Simon O’Brien, I understand had a meeting, where they decided to take a section of the report, out of the report, prior to publication and, a couple of weeks on, the deletion of that particular section of a report was mentioned to Simon O’Brien.”

Browne: “By whom?”

Mooney: “That was by Martin Callinan. At that point I understand that sent a lot of panic, shockwaves through the Commission, they were very concerned about their own internal security while they may have had fears a couple of weeks prior to that and may have been considering, certainly, bringing in countersurveillance measures. I think when these specific remarks were made they put the cat amongst the pigeons and I think that prompted them into very specific course of action.”

Later

Browne: “Just one further issue I want to pursue with you…and it concerns that if the Garda Síochána believe that a crime had been committed within GSOC to do with release, leaking of confidential information, they would have been justified in undertaking the tapping of phones but in order to do that legally, they would have had to get the authorisation of the Minister for Justice…”

Mooney: “Well I put that question to Alan Shatter last week and he’s refused to comment on whether he signed a warrant, which allowing any sort of surveillance on media organisations or journalists, in particular.”

Browne: “But, GSOC, did he sign an authorisation for the tapping of GSOC’s phones?”

Mooney: “Well I thought it was very noteworthy that Simon O’Brien refused to ask him that particular question.”

Browne: “How do you know that..?”

Mooney: “Because he gave evidence to that..”

Niall Collins: “He said that in the committee last week.”

Browne: “That he didn’t ask if his phone was tapped?”

Mooney: “He didn’t specifically ask Alan Shatter if he’d signed a warrant..”

Collins: “He was asked that question at the committee by Clare Daly…”

Mooney: “And he said he chose not to ask the minister that particular question. I think Simon O’Brien is an English police officer who may be suffering from disbelief at the way these matters are dealt with in this country.”

Watch back here.

UPDATE:

RITSimage
Rits2

Tonight, Justice Minister Alan Shatter told the Dáil:

“I have received a peer review report on the technical matters of relevance from RITS, an IT
security consultancy firm to seek clarification of the technical information contained in the
Verrimus report and an opinion with regard to the risks as identified and presented to GSOC.

“The report mentioned earlier that I received from RITS gives as an opinion, based on the reports
provided to RITS, that “there is no evidence of any technical or electronic surveillance against
GSOC”, that is no evidence at all, not merely no definitive evidence. This report also disputes
other conclusions reached by Verrimus.”

Transcript from his speech in the Dáil, via RTÉ, here.

RITS

25294_53_blog_entries_5382_656x500

verrimuss

[Paul Williams, top, and british security firm Verrimus]

 

Further to the GSOC bugging brouhaha.

The Irish Independent’s Paul Williams went on RTE Radio One’s Today with Sean O’Rourke this morning to offer alternative explanations for the three security threats discovered by security firm Verrimus in the offices of the Garda Ombudsman’s Commission.

Paul Williams: “There was a wifi device which was located in the Commission’s conference room, it was found to have connected to an external wifi network. Now, our understanding is that a report was subsequently done by the security company to state that, in the first instance they didn’t know which external network it was, that was hitting off their system. They then later established that it was bitbuzz wifi network which was then traced to an insomnia coffee shop on the ground floor of the GSOC building.
We did some further enquiries. We discovered, significantly, that the bitbuzz network was, I understand, introduced to that premises in August of last year. If you walk in, you’re offered, it’s advertised, bitbuzz, you know, you’re given a number to hook into it while you’re in the Insomnia and in the Spar shop – they’re on the corner of Middle Abbey Street and Capel Street. So our understanding is that, and this is based on sources from very close, shall we say, to GSOC, that it was subsequently, this was subsequently discovered, it was reported back and it was reported on paper.
Now, for some reason, neither the Minister (for Justice) nor the Dail committee that met with the GSOC Commissioners last week were informed of this. Also, in relation to the phones, the third anomaly was the use of the UK 3G mobile network, it’s understood that the experts from the security company found this and said this could, and traced it to a much bigger threat. That somebody had an IMSI, it’s a technical term for, it’s like a sting, it’s called a stingray in the business but it’s an IMSI catcher – they believe that this equipment was in existence in the area, based on the fact that they detected a UK 3G network.
Now, in last week’s meeting with the Dáil committee on oversight, the chairman Simon O’Brien told the Oireachtas that he did not have a UK mobile but confirmed that we had UK operatives who were operating [inaudible] and now we asked GSOC yesterday to maybe further elaborate on that, they responded that no GSOC staff member uses a UK phone for official use but when asked to confirm who these UK operatives were they said they were the UK security specialists undertaking the sweep. So, in the confusion, it appears that perhaps they detected the existence of their own English mobile phones while that sweep was going on.”

Sean O’Rourke: “But how does this explain, Paul, this suggestion where the IMSI catcher as you call it, the briefing note said that the specialist firm Verrimus indicated that this level of technology is only available to government agencies and that’s what an awful lot of the concern arose from.”

Williams: “Well there’s another extraordinary sort of twist in this whole story. And this is my colleague Tom Brady yesterday in the Irish Independent revealed that Verrimus company, which was brought in to do this stress assessment actually met with senior gardaí while they were here on that trip and offered them this IMSI catcher for sale. And Verrimus yesterday confirmed this.”

O’Rourke: “Did the gardaí know why Verrimuss were in town? And what the main purpose of their visit was at that stage?”

Williams: “Well, I don’t think so. I don’t know. In that business you don’t tell your left hand what your right hand is doing.”

[Later]

Williams: “There is an element in our own profession and in particularly in the Opposition, this is being used as an opportunity to, another opportunity to whip the Commissioner, or the Commissioner, and the Minister.”

O’Rourke: “Yes, but equally, it could be suggested that there are elements in your own newspaper who are basically blind to the possibility that Gardaí may have done anything wrong because the line taken by the Irish Independent group has been largely very supportive of the Gardaí and fairly sceptical of GSOC and people who say there’s something afoot here.”

Williams: “I wouldn’t say it’s supportive. I would say, purely from the point of view, you take the story and look at it from a distance and you say, well, on the face of it, this is extraordinary…but when you start breaking it down, it is what if. This, if, for example Sean, you come along and you say that something really seismic had happened in an organisation or in somebody’s life, the first thing people ask is where is the proof and the evidence. The point about it was that we were looking at this and thinking ‘well hang on, there is no, no evidence has been proffered in relation to this.”

Listen Here

Alternatively, from Verrimus:

1620671_10152227044006941_1704395552_nOh.

Previously: Catchers And The Spies

Earlier: Garda Confidential

sind

Yesterday’s Sunday Independent cover story blaming Garda Ombudsman Commission blundering for the bugging allegations brouhaha.

Alternatively, in the same paper…..

I refer to the collusion of political and security commentators – whom I call PolSec in honour of Orwell – who conducted last week’s campaign in favour of Callinan and against Simon O’Brien. Thanks to our restrictive libel laws, I cannot spell out the names.

Actually, there is no need for me to name the PolSec cheerleaders. The whole country was talking about what absolute asses they made of themselves. At one stage they gave the impression of wearing garda uniforms with lots of gold braid.

But what really reinforced public scepticism about the PolSec campaign to promote Callinan at the expense of [Simon] O’Brien was that it was a repeat performance. A few weeks ago the same pundits were rubbishing the garda whistleblowers, whose proposed evidence to PAC Callinan pronounced “disgusting”.

By now the public can detect what Myles na gCopaleen called “Droch Bholadh sa Tig Againn” (a bad smell in our house). That smell is coming from a section of the media which has stupidly hitched its wagon to a Coalition star. Stupidly, because in a small country the public knows when the media is muzzling itself.

Notes on survival for Simon O’Brien, GSOC chairman (Eoghan Harris, Sunday Independent)

Previously: Same Sheet Different Day

Meanwhile…

The third threat mentioned in the GSOC briefing note (page 2, about halfway down) was the presence of a UK 3G mobile phone network in the middle of Dublin. This, according to the British firm Verrimus which investigated the GSOC case, was probably created by a device which transmits a falsified mobile phone network, usually with the intent of encourage mobile phones to use its facilities so that the resulting communications can be intercepted.

GSOC’s briefing to Minister Shatter bluntly explained to him that the means required to attempt such surveillance are “only available to government agencies” [emphasis mine]. The only reason Verrimus couldn’t conclude that it was being used for GSOC surveillance is because it could, possibly, have been used for legitimate reasons in a nearby area.

Alan Shatter, as both the Minister for Justice and the Minister for Defence, does not have such limitations. He has the state’s policing and military forces at his executive disposal. Shouldn’t he be able to find out who was operating a bogus mobile phone network in the urban centre of Ireland’s capital city – and whether it was legal for them to do so?

Why Do We Need Proof Of GSOC Before We Investigate (Gavan Reilly, Today FM)

Previously: Catcher And The Spies

Meanwhile…

2Yesterday’s Sunday Times [behind paywall]

 Pic via Veronica Walsh

TomClonan5196W3GC8KL

[Tom Clonan, top, and Stalker by John Stalker (1988)]

 

” I’d invite you to think about this. Simon O’Brien is a former commander in the London Metropolitan Police, so he’s a very experienced person with, very au fait with intelligence gathering and with policing in general. And last year it got to the stage, that because of their beliefs that they were being surveilled, they were carrying out their most sensitive meetings in cafés on Capel Street.”

“…[They believed they were under surveillance in their own building] And [Mr O’Brien] outlined one test that they carried out with this company Verrimus where it was suspected that O’Brien’s landline, his own landline was actually bugged from his office. So they carried out a confirmation test at one o’clock, in the morning.

“And, basically, the way this test works is, if the phone is bugged, and you carry out this electronic test, then the phone will ring immediately. They carried out the test at 1am and the phone rang immediately. Now that means one of two things. It means the phone was bugged or it means that, at exactly 1am, at precisely the moment they carried out the test, somebody, somewhere, accidentally rang Simon O’Brien’s personal landline.

“…From my perspective it would appear to be part of a concerted attempt to play down these, this very, very serious issue, to dilute its import and again, in my own experience,  as a whistleblower in the Defence Forces, drawing attention to sexual violence against women, the first response by the military authority to that time was to shoot the messenger. And I’m seeing exactly the same dynamic here.

“You know it was done with the Garda whistleblowers, questions were raised about their ethical probity, and you know, had they gone through the correct channels, and we’ve had some very, very disturbing transcripts of recordings where one of the whistleblowers was effectively threatened. So this is all part of a pattern of denial, muddying the waters.

“The journalists are now all jumping on this notion of a mole within GSOC, that released this report to a journalist. And, yes, that’s an interesting sub-section to this but the most important thing here is, serious questions have been raised about the security of GSOC and that needs to be investigated by an independent, extrajudicial expert in order to restore public confidence in GSOC and in An Garda Síochána.”

I’ve heard journalists, my fellow journalists talking about documents being sexed up and, you know, basically, following the Government spin and repeating it and collaborating with it, extending the Government’s spin on this.

“They should go to the library and take out John Stalker’s book and by the time they’ll have got to the end of the first chapter, where John Stalker describes his meetings with John Hermon, that they might think again about supporting Government spin in this regard. An independent expert investigation is needed, not a High Court judge from Ireland – a policeman or an intelligence expert from Ireland.”

Dr Tom Clonan,Irish Times Security Analyst, and former Irish army captain who blew the whistle on the sexual harassment of female soldiers in the Irish army speaking with Pat Kenny yesterday morning on Newstalk.

Meanwhile, read an excellent round-up and analysis of events by Michael Clifford, of the Irish Examiner, here.

John Stalker?

Listen back here (Part 1)

Previously: Shame Sheet Different Day

Pic: Dublin Institute of Technology