Tag Archives: Micheál Martin

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Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin arriving at government buildings this afternoon

Fianna Fáil leader Michael Martin may regret playing the long game.

Eamonn Farrell writes:

We all know it is Enda Kenny’s dream to become the first leader of Fine Gael to be returned to government as Taoiseach, but It is not too long ago that Micheál Martin said ‘I will probably be the first leader of Fianna Fail, never to become taoiseach’.

How is it then, Micheál Martin has decided to throw caution to the wind and to the detriment of the country, go for the even bigger historic prize of being Taoiseach of a FF single party government, when the proposed FG led minority government collapses in chaos.

Is it really possible that this is the FF plan? The answer is Yes. Based alone on childish excuse that they cannot accept Enda Kenny’s ground breaking offer of partnership (coalition) government, because they promised the electorate that they would not go into coalition with FG

First of all it is difficult to imagine this being an issue with FF supporters on the doorstep in the lead up to the election as there were few early indicators that FG were going to lose as many seats as they did. And even less indicators that FF were going to win as many extra seats as they did. So why would possible coalition between FF and FG be a major issue on the doorsteps, when health, housing, jobs and water etc. were the main issues surfacing in the media and radio phone-in’s?

Secondly, If as Micheál Martin claims, they are precluded from going into coalition with Fine Gael because of commitments they made to their supporters, how can he square offering to support a FG led minority government, which means endorsing its policies with far less input than would be the case if they were an equal partner in a partnership or coalition government?

When you wipe away all the spin, there is only one logical answer, Micheál and his advisors have come to the conclusion that if they let FG and a disparate group of well-meaning but incompatible independents form a government, there will only be one outcome, total disillusionment by the electorate with FG and independents, resulting in the opportunity for FF under Michael Martin to return the grand prize of a single party government.

Far fetched? One had just to look at the muscle-flexing taking place in the person of FF TDs like Barry Cowen, to see that all elements of any responsibility for creating the economic collapse of the country has been excised from their memories.

Fine Gael and Labour bore sole responsibility for the state of the health service, housing crisis, etc, and the Soldiers of Destiny are going to ride in and rescue the country from further mayhem, whenever their strategists reckon the time is right to pull the plug.

The problem is, a rather weary electorate with short term memories, may indeed concur with their plan.

One suspects that if Brian Lenihan, had survived and become leader of FF, he would have had the foresight and courage to grasp Enda Kenny’s offer as quickly as he did the invitation to speak at the Michael Collins Beal na Blath Commemoration in West Cork in 2010.

Micheál Martin is not without courage, as he displayed in pushing through the ground breaking cigarette ban, when Minister for Health. Or again, when he resigned from the government in 2011, to challenge Brian Cowen.

Now he has the chance, not only to go down in history as a mould breaker by taking up Kenny’s partnership offer, but also to do the right thing for a country crying out for statesmen, not just run of the mill political party leaders.

Eamonn Farrell is founder of Rollingnews.ie

Rollingnews

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Ah here.

Anon writes:

Here are some business cards I found in the pocket of a discarded “Cinnabon” employee uniform. I wonder if any of your readers would be able to identify the gentleman whom they belong to? Thanks, and don’t forget to vote!

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From top: RTÉ’s Áine Lawlor and Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin

Fine Gael Health Minister Leo Varadkar was interviewed on Morning Ireland today.

During the interview Mr Varadkar levelled criticism against Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin in relation to his time as Health Minister between 2000 to 2004.

Morning Ireland presenter Cathal MacCoille said Fianna Fáil was asked to come on the show, to respond to Mr Varadkar’s assertions, but the offer was turned down.

Further to this, Mr Martin spoke with Áine Lawlor on RTÉ’s News At One.

It got a bit… tetchy.

Áine Lawlor: “We’re joined now, from Galway, by the Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin and good afternoon to you.”

Micheál Martin: “Good afternoon you, Áine.”

Lawlor: “On the latest figures, even if the Fine Gael/Fiann Fáil coalition would be short won in getting a majority, is a grand coalition looking like the only answer?”

Martin: “Áine what figures are those?

Lawlor: “The Red C poll.”

Martin: “But you know by… first of all, by the way, I thought I was coming on to respond to Leo Varadkar this morning.”

Lawlor: “I’m not, I’ll come to that in a moment…sorry, I..”

Talk over each other

Martin: “I’ve answered these questions ad nauseam. The bottom line is…”

Lawlor: “No, just to say, Micheal Martin, just to say Micheal Martin, the reason I asked you about the poll is because I wanted to talk about the general state of the play in the campaign first before…”

Martin: “I know…”

Lawlor: “…going into accusations that have been, we can deal with that first if you’d rather?”

Martin: “No, I’ve no problem with it at all. But, just to say to you that that was the basis upon which this interview was agreed, from my perspective. I’ve no difficulty in answering your question and I’ve answered it before. I think we need to be very careful in terms of the parameters by which we’re going to judge this election and, particularly, the opinion polls. I’ve said in the past that, in the United Kingdom for example, opinion polls were out by 6.5% and the problem with that was it dictated the type of debate that was held in Britain. In other words, the British people never got to discuss what the Tories would do to their health system, or would do to their social welfare and so on. So we need to be careful in Ireland that we don’t allow the polls to dominate this debate to the exclusion of issues and the kind of country we want and Fianna Fáil have been saying, from the outset, that there’s a choice between the Irish people, that Fianna Fáil, between a Fianna Fáil-led Government that would focus on fairness, on a fair break for the self-employed and for enterprise and for decency in society as a whole as opposed to a Fine Gael-led government which will and look after the wealthiest in our society. And then it’s up to the people to decide, in relation to that choice, I think we’ve succeeded in doing that during this campaign…”

Lawlor: “Absolutely. Which is why…”

Talk over each other

Lawlor: “… which is why I am putting this question to you because you’re pre-supposing that we will be able to put a Government together. But given what the polls are indicating, at this point in time, and given what you have said and what Enda Kenny has said about who, and who you will not, go in with. The question before voters in the run-up to next Friday is whether there is any government that can be put together given what you’re all saying at the moment. So that’s why I’m asking you the question: is a grand coalition the only viable option?”

Martin: “I don’t agree with your premise and I’ve said this time and time again. I don’t agree with that premise. I think your discussion, and all of the discussion, is on the basis that the election has happened, the election has not happened. In the local elections for example, of where we can take that basis, we would have been discussing Fianna Fail coming in on third place.”

Talk over each other

Lawlor: “No the question is based, Micheal Martin, on the fact that the people of this country elect a Dáil…”

Martin: “Aine I would appreciate if you would allow me answer the question please.”

Lawlor: “Yes, but..”

Talk over each other

Lawlor: “The people of this country will elect a Dáil. That Dáil’s job is to elect a Government. If the people of this country don’t want to be Portugal, don’t want to be Spain, don’t want to be paying higher interest rates, do want to have an actual Government, I’m asking you when that Dáil is elected will you do your part in working with other politicians to put a Government together because, at the moment, a Government may not result after next Friday.”

Martin: “That’s the Fine Gael line you’re peddling in terms of Portugal. The Irish people aren’t responsible for Portugal, Italy or anybody else. We know there are international issues that are determining the global situation, not least the volatility in China and the uncertain situation there and other issues. My point is and my point, repeatedly has been, that this election hasn’t even begun. And I do not accept that the opinion polls may be correct in terms of what will actually happen. And you can go through constituency polls which give a far different perspective, by the way, of seats, than the national polls. I have said over a week ago that we will, just as we have been in the last Dail, responsible in terms of looking after this country. For example…”

Lawlor: “So you will play your part in putting a Government together after the 26th?”

Martin: “Aine, could I just make a comment to you? I listened to Leo Varadkar this morning. He didn’t have this aggressive intervening and interruption every time I’m trying to put a coherent paragraph together. And I would appreciate it if I was allowed the same space that Government ministers are repeatedly allowed on RTE programmes. I really would appreciate it.”

Lawlor: “Micheal Martin, I can only answer for the interviews I do…the reason..”

Martin: “But I just want to make the point to you that..”

Lawlor: “I appreciate that but, I also think that you’ve been rather unfair on that challenge that you’ve put down there, so let’s move on and talk about the question of Leo Varadkar and the allegations that he made against you…”

Listen back in full here

 

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Denis O’Brien’s spokesman James Morrissey (above) and Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin (top)

This afternoon.

Radio that needs to be read to be believed.

Denis O’Brien’s spokesman James Morrissey and Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin engaged in a pre-recorded debate with Richard Crowley for RTÉ’s This Week on the ongoing constitutional brouhaha.

Richard Crowley began by asking Micheál Martin if he believed the virtual black-out in the Irish mainstream media of Independent TD Catherine Murphy’s comments in the Dáil last Thursday  represented a constitutional crisis.

Grab a tay.

Micheál Martin: “It is, I think we are in very dangerous territory where the alleged privacy right of the powerful, if you like, are coming into conflict with the constitutional  right of parliamentarians to articulate matters of undoubted public interest in parliament and to have those concerns aired and reported on by the national media. I think last Thursday, as I watched the news, both on various TV channels, it was something I had never experienced before where, essentially, the media were silenced because of the litigation and because of the actions taken both in the High Court and in legal advice, to the effect that the national stations couldn’t cover what Catherine Murphy said in the Dáil. I think it’s an extraordinary state of affairs. The Dáil should be recalled to debate this because it goes to the fundamental heart and cornerstone of our democracy.”

Richard Crowley: “James Morrissey, this has been seen by some as an attempt by Denis O’Brien to silence the Oireachtas, to muzzle the press by preventing it from reporting Catherine Murphy’s statement.”

James Morrissey: “Well I agree with Micheál Martin that, as I think you said, a constitutional crisis because the courts and the Oireachtas need to respect each other. I don’t ever recall Micheál Martin bringing forward a privacy bill or anything that would help in resolving this problem and I have a greater difficulty with Micheál Martin because I recall going back to December of last year, when you, Micheál Martin, stood up in the Dáil and you said it is wrong and out of order for Deputy Mary Lou McDonald to name names in the context in which she did, in particular the individuals concerned need to know how they can get redress or, in essence, get their names cleared on the record and their reputations cleared as well. Now, I’d ask you a question: where is the difference? Is it because some of them were your party colleagues? Cabinet colleagues? So, Denis O’Brien is different is he?”

Martin: “No, the fundamental difference is that the media reported on all of that and carried everything that was said by Mary Lou McDonald verbatim on the national airwaves and in the newspapers. And I, or nobody in my party, ever attempted to stop the media from so doing and from exercising their constitutional right. And your problem, Mr Morrissey, is you’re attacking people too much. Your attitude and your response to this is to attack the person who stands up for democracy. So you attack Catherine Murphy, you call her a liar, you call her a thief and you denigrate parliament by calling it a ‘talking shop’, as you did last week. Now the first thing you should do, and the public want, is for you to apologise to Deputy Murphy for saying she’s peddling lies, for saying she got information illegally. It is extraordinary charges that you are making, attempting to bully and intimidate a parliamentarian who is held in widespread respect across the parliamentary divide. And we know that Deputy Murphy has form on this, in the sense, that through dogged pursuit of parliamentary questions and utilisation of freedom of information, she unearthed significant issues and concerns that public servants had, civil servants in the Department of Finance had in relation to the sale of Siteserv, for example, and other major transactions concerning IBRC.”

Talk over each other

Crowley: “Can we just hold it there. James Morrissey, can I just ask you to deal with a couple of points raised by Micheál Martin. You said that the document, or information, was stolen. As far as I remember you didn’t say that Catherine Murphy stole it but who, or from where was it stolen?”

Morrissey: “It was removed from IBRC.”

Crowley: “Removed? The original document, not copied, but removed?”

Morrissey: “There were documents stolen and they were amended and altered and they were presented to Catherine Murphy and what is most fascinating about Micheál Martin’s comments here, he seems to accept in totality everything that Catherine Murphy has said. So, has he seen the documentation? Or is he just relying on her version of events? You see…”

Talk over each other

Crowley: “Let him answer that..no, no, no, let him answer that because if we move on that point could be lost.”

Morrissey: “Micheál Martin, have you seen the documentation?”

Martin: “I have not seen the documentation that Catherine Murphy has seen but I accept…”

Crowley: “How do you know…”

Martin: “Sorry…”

Crowley: “How do you know that it’s correct in it’s entirety.”

Martin: “Mr Morrissey made an assertion and he was wrong in making that assertion. Now he hasn’t apologised to Deputy Murphy and he should because what I accept is, and will defend to the bitter end, is the right of Deputy Catherine Murphy to say what she said in the Dáil. She was speaking on legislation that she was introducing into the house…”

Talk over each other

Crowley: “No, Micheál I have to cut you off there, all right, look we want to get to the nub of this. James Morrissey how much of  what Catherine Murphy said in the Dáil was correct and how much of it was incorrect? Did she say something that was true?”

Morrissey: “She said, most of what she said was untrue but not all of it.”

Crowley: “Not all of it. And so what she said that was true, you would have no difficulty with her putting that on the record?”

Morrissey: “Whatever she said is true she can say whatever she likes.”

Crowley: “You have no problem with that?”

Morrissey: “The most important thing though here comes back to, you see, Micheál Martin uses the word ‘powerful’. I would have thought that all citizens rank equally but he obviously doesn’t think so. I think the key issue here is when information is leaked and when it’s interfered with and when fundamental facts…”

Crowley: “I’m sorry, that’s the second time you’ve said that. What do you mean by altered, changed? Who changed it and in what way?”

Morrissey: “I don’t know who changed it but Catherine Murphy has presented as facts figures that are not correct and she has made statements that are fundamentally wrong.”

Crowley: “And are you saying that a document, in its original form, was correct in every way but that it was altered in such a way as to make it untrue?”

Morrissey: “I don’t know what documents she has but  I am satisfied…”

Crowley: “How can you say they were altered then?”

Morrissey: “I am telling you that I’m satisfied that documents that she presents as being facts contain erroneous figures and numbers that simply…”

Crowley: “No, no, no, you said that they were altered. How do you know they were altered if you don’t know what documents she had?

Morrissey: “Well, I’ve seen, I’m aware of the original documentation, I’ve seen what she has misrepresented.”

Martin: “Well the bottom line then is deal with it, deal with it…”

Crowley: “Why not deal with it? Isn’t that a good point? If there is a difficulty here that some of the information is correct and some is not, why not come out an issue a full statement, clarifying what’s true and what’s not, James Morrissey?”

Morrissey: “You see I think what Micheál Martin is doing here is he…”

Crowley: “No, could you answer my question, rather than address Micheál Martin. If there is a difficulty here and some information is correct and some is incorrect, why not, why wouldn’t your side come out and clarify it by putting the truth into the public domain?”

Morrissey: “For one particular reason that Micheál Martin chooses to ignore and that is the rights of a citizen in this country to privacy in his financial matters.”

Martin: “But the bottom line here is, this is about the IBRC which is a bank that was bailed out by the taxpayer, 100%, fundamental matter of public interest which, by any definition, trumps any other issue. The public have a right to know if there are issues pertaining to how that bank operated in terms of its corporate governance, in terms of the large transactions that the civil servants and the department of finance had concerns about and which has led to an inquiry, established by the government in my view a very poor type of inquiry, that’s the context in which Catherine Murphy spoke last Thursday and she’s acting in good faith, that’s the point. That Mr Morrissey should attempt to undermine her authority…”

Talk over each other

Crowley: “Mr Morrissey…”

Martin: “Because people across the House, and this is an important point, will defend the right of Catherine Murphy to act in good faith..”

Crowley: “Even if she gets it wrong, inadvertently.”

Martin: “But of course, the whole nature of parliamentary democracy and parliamentary debate is the freedom to speak out but in terms of other issues when it’s come to the fore, if it’s dealt with efficiently, promptly and in the public domain, the Oireachtas polices the privilege it has under the Constitution. It has that basis..there is no issue to resolve here by the way, it’s very clear.”

Crowley: “All right. James Morrissey would you take the point about this being in the public interest? It’s a point made by Michael McDowell, the former Tánaiste, Attorney General and Senior Counsel, a former Justice Minister writing in yesterday’s Irish Times, he says ‘I venture to suggest that the points made by Deputy Murphy and her speech appear to be points of very significant public interest’.”

Morrissey: “Then there’s one key question and that is, why has RTÉ failed to appeal this whole matter?”

Silence

Martin: “But that’s not..”

Crowley: “We’re going to the courts next week, RTÉ is going to the court, as is the Irish Times and the Sunday Business Post.”

Morrissey: “No, I think for clarification, Richard. RTÉ had seven days in which to appeal the court order – it did not do so.”

Crowley: “We don’t have the court order yet. We don’t know yet. The document has been redacted and we have yet to get the full court order and it’s on the basis of having seen that, that an application or an appeal would be lodged.”

Morrissey: “No, I think my understanding is that the station had seven days to appeal it and has decided not appeal it.”

Crowley: “No, that’s not true. As far as I’m aware, RTÉ has until next week. But would you go back to the point, would you go back to the point of the public interest, why is this not in the public interest?”

Morrissey: ” Because the private banking affairs of an individual who borrowed money to invest in properties and businesses, employing up to 10,000 people coming out of the recession is entitled to privacy in his financial matters. Maybe Micheál Martin could tell us, because he’s never brought forward a privacy bill ever, in all his years in the House, could he tell us what different grades of citizens, of what level of privacy should apply to various people, does it apply to former Fianna Fáil ministers or does it apply to Denis O’Brien? Again Micheál Martin you have danced around the whole Mary Lou situation, which I think is very curious..”

Crowley: “We’re not going back on the Mary Lou situation, let’s just stay with Denis O’Brien.”

Martin: “The Dáil dealt with that and dealt with it adequately, the CCP met and sanctioned..”

Crowley: “Would you go back to Denis O’Brien’s privacy. Why is he not entitled to privacy?”

Martin: The bottom line here, this isn’t about a private domestic banking issue. As I said earlier, it’s about a fundamental issue pertaining to the taxpayer, of public interest where the IBRC, a bailed-out bank, it’s a State bank in essence and, rightly or wrongly, there is no question but that large transactions are, by definition, matters of public interest and, in terms of the citizen out in the street. Here’s the real heart of the matter. People are out there, turning up in courts with their mortgages and so on with potential evictions from their houses, if the charge emerges that there is a different set of rules for those higher up the scale, as opposed to the ordinary punter on the ground, then that feeds into resentment in society and very significant resentment so there’s an absolute need for transparency here…that’s all we’re saying here and what’s..”

Talk over each other

Crowley: “Sorry, Micheál, we’re running out of time, I want James Morrissey back in on that point.”

Morrissey: “Micheál Martin, does that include all the business interests in Fianna Fáil and everybody in this country that all their banking interests should be made public. If that’s what you’re saying, that’s fine and we will cooperate with that but I think you’re biggest problem here is you’re working in a selective basis.”

Martin: “No, I’m not Mr Morrissey, I’m working on the basis of the Irish Constitution which actually has, at its heart, protecting parliamentary democracy which is at the very core of our system, our…

Talk over each other

Martin: “No, Mr Morrissey, we don’t actually have one [a constitutional crisis]. I think this will be resolved because the constitutional privilege is absolute.”

Talk over each other

Martin: “Stop the bullying, stop intimidating people and trying to undermine people. Have the guts to apologise to Catherine Murphy for how you’ve treated her and also apologise in terms of your denigration of parliament which you’ve..that’s your approach, it’s wrong.”

Crowley: “Mr Morrissey, I want to ask what your course of action will be next week. Let’s presume that RTÉ and the Sunday Business Post and  the Irish Times go to the High Court for clarification on this from Justice [Donald] Binchy and he says that the original interlocutory injunction does not cover, that it was intended to [RTE journalist] David Murphy’s story for RTE, it does, it was not the intention of the court to cover matters raised by Deputy Catherine Murphy in the Dáil. What then will you do?”

Morrissey: “The answer is I don’t know, that’s something that’s being considered by the legal team at the moment. But what is of…”

Crowley: “What options are open to you?”

Morrissey: “A very important part of this, as I’ve mentioned. RTE decided not to appeal the decision and it was given seven days.”

Crowley: “Ah now sorry, sorry, James. Twice, I’ve told you that no decision has been made on that because the court order has not been received by RTE and that’s a decision that will be made next week so please stop saying that RTE have not appealed this. Now, go back to what you will do, what options are open to you next week, if Mr Justice [Donald] Binchy says that Catherine Murphy’s comments are not covered by the injunction?”

Morrissey: “I’m not going to get into a hypothetical situation on that at this point in time.”

Crowley: “But would you consider separate court action?”

Morrissey: “That will be considered by Denis O’Brien’s legal team. I’m not a member of the legal team.”

Crowley: “Micheál Martin.”

Martin: “The fundamental point I’d make, I think it’s absolutely essential that you back off from this. One thing you can not do is silence the national parliament or silence the rights of Daáil deputies, whether you like what they say or dislike what they say. Constitutionally you cannot do that and nobody, and I’m talking to people across the country, they’re very upset and angry with what is going on. They do not like it. Fear stalks the land in terms of the journalistic landscape by the way, litigations left, right and centre – it’s a very unhealthy situation, there’s a very unhealthy atmosphere out there in our democracy, there’s a very simple way of resolving that and pulling back from the brink. There’s one battle that cannot be won in any republic like this and I’m a republican. The parliament cannot be undermined…”

Crowley: “James Morrissey..”

Martin: “..in any shape or form in terms of the rights that it has.”

Crowley: “James Morrissey, the Sunday Times today publishes some of the details of what Catherine Murphy said, they’re still on the Broadsheet.ie website last night, it’s on the Oireachtas website, it’s been covered by the Guardian, it’s been covered by the New York Times, it’s on the Channel 4 website, in terms of keeping this under wraps, it’s been a spectacular failure for your side and if anything, you’ve heightened the interest in it. Everybody is interested in hearing more now.”

Morrissey: “Perhaps that is the case but I think it’s also fair to say that an individual is entitled to take a course of action and whether that course of action results in success or failure, Denis O’Brien said at the very outset, at the very outset in this whole affair that he was taking this action on a point of privacy principle in relation to the privacy of his financial affairs and his banking…”

Crowley: “And his opinion or his tactic, his approach hasn’t changed, given that there is now heightened interest in the story and that, effectively, the pressure is on for him to come out and make a clarifying statement to say this is untrue and I can prove it.”

Morrissey: “Well, you see, I think the big issue here is, do you concede to pressure that’s out there or do you stand your ground and say, ‘I am a private citizen and I’m entitled to privacy in my financial affairs.”

Crowley: “And you seem to be suggesting that it’s the latter course that he will opt for, or is opting for.”

Morrissey: “That’s certainly my understanding of it.”

Crowley: “And that won’t change in the short term, as far as you’re concerned?”

Morrissey: “I don’t believe so because, as I say, I think it’s  a point of principle.”

Crowley: “Was the gagging, effective gagging, of Catherine Murphy  on the Dáil on this issue unintended, though a welcome consequence of the injunction against David Murphy on RTE?”

Silence.

Morrissey: “Well again I think it’s where there’s a constitutional issue. Denis O’Brien went to court…”

Crowley: “To stop David Murphy, on RTE, broadcasting a story but an unintended consequence of that has been, that it’s been interpreted as being affecting what Catherine Murphy said in the Dáil and then the reporting of what Catherine Murphy said, that was, that was hardly your intention or strategy at the time, was it?”

Morrissey: “Well I think what’s happened here is that…”

Crowley: “But was it?”

Morrissey: “A lot of information is being peddled and it’s being peddled to a lot of different people and we had no idea as who else was going to come forward with it next. It could be anybody. I mean clearly Micheál Martin obviously would have loved to have had this information for political points scoring, he could have gone into the Dáil with it but he didn’t.”

Martin: “What are you talking about?”

Morrissey: “I’m talking about…”

Martin: “I’m not saying, listen, I, my intervention this weekend is a very simple one: it’s to defend the national parliament and the right of the Dáil to exercise its constitutional rights, what I witnessed last Thursday night, I never witnessed in my life – where the national broadcaster was effectively silenced, where other television channels were silenced and you had these pathetic spectacles of senior reporters saying, we can’t talk about this, we can’t hear this. That never happened before in  our country, it never happened before. ”

Crowley: “Final word to James Morrissey.”

Martin: And it’s not good enough and it needs to stop and you need to back off.”

Morrissey: “Micheál Martin has been in the Dáil and he has been a minister and he has never done anything about a privacy bill, ever.”

Martin: “Because the bottom line is I actually understand the balance between protecting society and having liberty and freedom of speech. And I actually will accept the points that have been made by former deputy and former minister Micheal McDowell in relation to that very point.”

Talk over each other.

At this point, Mr Crowley asked Mr Morrissey about a report in this morning’s Sunday Business Post which stated that Mr O’Brien advised the Government not to sell its stake in Aer Lingus to IAG.

Although the Government did give the go-ahead to sell the State’s 25% interest in Aer Lingus to IAG, it’s interesting to note that last week’s Sunday Independent featured a lengthy profile piece on managing partner of William Fry, Bryan Bourke, and mentioned how the firm – which represented Denis O’Brien at the injunction proceedings against RTE – was involved in IAG’s bid for Aer Lingus.

Crowley: “James Morrissey, before you go, one of the consequences of all of this, of course, is even greater scrutiny of Denis O’Brien and what he’s done or not done and we have the Sunday Business Post today reporting that Mr O’Brien contacted the Government several months ago to oppose the  sell-off of Aer Lingus can you conform that that’s a fact and, if so, who did he speak to?”

Morrissey: “I”m not aware of who he spoke with but I know that he held very strong views that  Are Lingus should not be sold because he believes it is an iconic brand and that it is a company with a great history and that it is one of the world’s leading Irish brands that has stood the test of time and, from speaking with him, I think he feels it’s regrettable that the headquarters of Are Lingus is going to end up in Hounslow.”

Crowley: “And did it have anything to do with his own business interests?”

Morrissey: “He has no aviation interests.”

Crowley: “No connection, none of his companies, either controlled or owned by him have no connection with Aer Lingus as of now and as of, and involved in transactions that might be involved, might be affected in the longer term by an IAG takeover?”

Morrissey: “He was a shareholder in Aer Lingus and, as I understand, he disposed of all of those shares in the last 12 months.”

Crowley: “And do any companies, now controlled or owned by him, do business with Aer Lingus and are those transactions that might be affected in the longer term by an IAG takeover?”

Morrissey: “None whatsoever.”

Silence

Crowley: “James Morrissey, spokesman for Denis O’Brien and the Fianna Fáil leader, Micheál Martin.”

After the interview, Mr Crowley clarified RTÉ’s position in relation to appealing Justice Donald Binchy’s original high court injunction, saying:

“RTÉ says that it has 21 days, and not seven days, to make  a decision on that matter.”

Listen back in full here

Previously: [REDACTED]’s 1.25% Interest Rate

Keeping Print Alive

‘It’s Important People Stand Up For Democracy’

Photocall Ireland

UPDATE:

Meanwhile…the letter Denis O’Brien reportedly sent to Catherine Murphy which she has yet to receive officially.

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Related: Dukes hits back as storm rages over Dáil ‘silencing’ (Sunday Independent)

90143194 (Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness, Micheál Martin TD and First Minister Peter Robinson at Farmleigh in 2009)

NI First Minister Peter Robinson in an interview with Steven McCaffery of The Detail has said the Irish government is avoiding a “hidden history” that ties it to the birth of the Provisional IRA.

I think there has been denial on behalf of Irish Governments for some considerable time about the role played by government ministers and officials in terms of the growth of the Provisional IRA. People don’t want to talk about it. It’s not a case of being embarrassed, they seem to be offended if the issue is raised, but at the same time are quite happy to point the finger at the British state.

It is abundantly clear that the responsibility that seemed to fall on (Capt James) Kelly, was one that was placed on him by the State.

It is a period of time which shows very clearly that the Irish State was funding the guns going to the Provisional IRA, was preparing itself to invade Northern Ireland, and now of course they sit back and try and draw a blind over this area of history.

In a statement, Fianna Fail leader Micheál Martin said:

The death of almost 1,800 men, women and children at the hands of the IRA was a hideous crime against their neighbours, against their country and against the proud ambitions of Irish Republicanism.

But it is not a crime for which the Irish Government has culpability.

It is a narrative which distorts the facts of an unprecedented crisis in Irish history and deliberately ignores the decades of concerted policy and action in the Republic of Ireland aimed at thwarting the subversive threat posed by violent republicanism and loyalism.

Genuine culpability or just whataboutery to deflect from unionism’s own failings?

YOU decide.

The Legacy – Political battle lines – (Steven McCaffery, The Detail.tv)

Leon Farrell/Photocall Ireland

22/2/2011 General Elections Campaigns

Oh, It’s ON.

Possibly.

Previously: Not Taking Debate

File pic: Leon Farrell/Photocall Ireland