Tag Archives: Julien Mercille

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From top: UCD lecturer Julien Mercille, Irish Independent columnist Dan O’Brien and founder of Hibernia Forum Eamon Delaney

And that’s it.

You may recall the publication of the 456-page Banking Inquiry report during the week.

The report contained a chapter entitled The Property Sector, which included a section on Property Valuation which, in turn, contained a sub-section on Property Sector Relationships with the Media.

It was 1½ pages long.

And it concluded uncontroversially:

Revenue from the property sector was a significant source of income for some media outlets, accounting for as much as 14% or 17% of all revenue for some newspapers. Editors denied that editorial independence was affected by their advertising relationship with the property sector.”

Further to this…

UCD lecturer and dreamboat ‘sheet columnist Dr Julien Mercille; chief economist at the Institute of International and European Affairs in Dublin, Irish Independent columnist and former economics editor at the Irish Times (2010 to 2013) Dan O’Brien; and former diplomat and founder of right-wing think tank Hibernia Forum Eamon Delaney spoke to Sarah Carey on Newstalk this morning’s Talking Points show.

Specifically, they discussed the media’s role in pumping up the boom, promising pillow soft landings and supporting austerity when their analysis proved faulty.

Grab a large tay.

Sarah Carey: “Julien Mercille, I’ll start with you because you laid out quite a coherent case against the media at the banking inquiry. Will you give us the elevator pitch on how it’s our fault?”

Julien Mercille: “Well, it’s against a certain type of media. I mean the case I make is that the media reflects the interests of its owners and that’s very, very easy to understand from other media. We don’t have a problem saying that the UCD student paper reflects the interests of the students, by and large, or a union paper reflects the union interests. It’s kind of obvious. But when we come to corporate media or State-owned media you say well that reflects the interests of the State, the Government or the corporate world, people sometimes say, ‘oh no, you’re a conspiracy theorist’ or something. And again it doesn’t mean that because it reflects the interests and views of the corporate world, it’s wrong. It can be right, it’s just a matter of saying it’s a certain interest and it’s a narrow range of interests that we see in the media. So, in relation to the housing bubble and the banking inquiry, the media was very much supporting the housing bubble.

There were some voices of dissent but we can name them very quickly because there’s probably only one or two people – David McWilliams is the most prominent one but everybody else was saying there either was no problem, there’s going to be a soft landing or what happens often is also they wouldn’t talk about it. So if you don’t talk about a big problem, a big bubble that’s growing and growing, that’s a kind of passive support so sometimes the media works more in that way. People don’t know there’s something important so they keep buying houses. And then there’s a problem and everybody says, ‘oh, we never saw it’. Whereas if you looked just across the sea, The Economist magazine had warned about the bubble in 2003. And not just a vague warning, a very precise warning saying house prices are overvalued by 40% I think and there were many housing bubbles at that time in the world so Ireland was not unique in that respect.”

Sarah Carey: “Are you saying that journalists were consciously bending to the will of what they thought their corporate bosses wanted or was it just something far more subtle in their neglect of the topic?”

Mercille: “Sometimes there were, at the banking inquiry again, we know that property industry called The Irish Times, for example, and said, ‘listen you better have good coverage because, you know, we’re not going to sponsor, we’re not going to advertise with you’,  so there were a few explicit threats like that. But mostly I don’t think journalists were, every day, like, ‘ok, I cannot talk about the housing bubble’. I think the media is like any institution. People who work in the media mostly internalise the rules and they come not to think about them so much. It’s such a fast-paced work anyway and you don’t sometimes have the time to think about it. It’s the same thing for any institution, whether it’s the military or academia.”

Carey: “So, Dan O’Brien, the media internalised the problem and therefore were incapable of seeing it clearly?”

Dan O’Brien: “Well, can I come back to the first, the specific issue of the bubble and the property thing and then there’s the broader charge that Julien makes about media organisations doing their corporate owners’ bidding and Julien says that media people do what the corporate and Government interests want. Now I would really suggest to Julien that he get out a bit more because if you talk to politicians, most politicians hate the media, particularly Government politicians. They say that the media doesn’t report their achievements, it only looks at trivial things, it looks at their fights, it tries to catch them out all the time. The notion that the media is supportive of a government, like politicians just would laugh at that proposition. That’s politicians. Corporate, like the amount of times I’ve talked to people in business who believe the media are full of left-wing, anti-business people. They think the media is anti-profit, anti-business.

Again, they would just laugh at the notion that the media is dominated by pro-business cheerleaders. So, you know, different people have different perspectives. Julian, from his perspective, believes that, you know, the media is all dominated and basically just does business and Government’s bidding, I just think that’s fantasy. OK, so let’s move on to the bubble. I have two hats – I have one as an economist, I have one as somebody who contributes to the media. As an economist, I think we’re the people who deserve blame for missing out on the bubble, OK? Journalists are generalists, they can’t be experts on everything, that’s one of the great difficulties of media. If the majority of the economics community either thought there wasn’t a bubble or, as Julian said, didn’t raise it enough and I was guilty of that. I didn’t, I wasn’t living here so, you know, I should have said more in hindsight about the risks and that the failing of the economics profession when the average journalist was looking at what was going on and saying, ‘well look, most economists, who know more about this stuff than I do, say there’s not a problem or the risk is relatively low, well then, what are we going to write everyday. Somebody’s talking about a risk, are we going to put this on the front page everyday? No.’ So I, in my view, there were some failings in the media around the bubble and there are things that could be changed but did the media contribute in any big way to the inflating of the bubble? No. It was the banks, it was the columnists’ intellectual failings…”

Carey: “But what about property journalism specifically? I mean you know like that was, first of all, you had the revenues from property advertising, which were hugely significant. Julien pointed out that both INM and The Irish Times actually bought property websites and then you had the property porn, all those wonderful articles. You know no house ever had a flaw in it, the lovely advertorials, you know…”

O’Brien: “The notion that a journalist ceases, becomes a property editor for a newspaper and then puts aside the normal journalistic rigour and scrutiny and then writes, as you say, only positive stuff – you know, personally, I don’t think that’s the way to go. And, you know, that still happens. I don’t, you know, make decisions on how newspapers are run. Certainly, I don’t think that’s a good thing. But, you know, in terms of papers taking adverts for the sale of houses, now the last time I looked, selling a house was legal. If somebody comes to you and says, ‘I will pay to advertise to sell a product’, why would a company in an industry that’s in big trouble turn away those revenues? There’s nothing wrong with advertising if businesses want to advertise. Now when this issue of whether advertisers influenced editorial content, you know, I’ve read Julien’s work very closely – I don’t see evidence where he’s put that, where there’s definite evidence that advertisers actually influenced editorial content. I’m not saying it didn’t happen. I don’t know. But I certainly haven’t seen any convincing evidence from Julien’s work showing that advertisers influenced editorial content.”

Later

Carey: “So Julien, the problem here is just going back to that issue of confirmation bias in that we’re each seeing, you know, what we think is a bias in the media from a different perspective. So Dan’s question about evidence, you know, how much evidence were you actually able to compile on quantity of articles say not challenging the boom or challenging the boom or whatever?”

Mercille: “Well I have to say, before that, whenever you hear something from Dan O’Brien, you have to remember he has no credibility whatsoever, right? And I’ll tell you why.”

Carey: “Well I…”

Mercille: “I’ll tell you why, very clearly. From 2002, or something, until the bubble burst, he said himself, he didn’t see that. After that, 2008 until today, he was a cheerleader for austerity which doesn’t work – he doesn’t understand that. So 15 years of failure right there. So whenever he says something it has to be taken with a big grain of salt. Now his other, latest accusation – that in my work there’s no influence about advertisers – I don’t know what he’s reading, this is out there in the open. There’s good papers, interviewing journalists, saying, ‘we had pressures from the property sector telling us don’t do this, don’t write that’ and that’s fine.”

Carey: “Have you specific cases of that happening? Like you, do you know specific cases where journalists were explicitly told… now I’m…”

Mercille: “Yeah.”

Carey: “I’m very open to the idea of self-censorship and group think but in the case of specific examples…”

Mercille: “Of course there…”

O’Brien: “But so what? What difference…”

Mercille: “Look, she asked me the question, right?”

O’Brien: “Oh, sorry.”

Mercille: “There’s a paper published, I think it’s from DCU [sic], and they’ve interviewed journalists and they said exactly what I just said, ‘the property sector would tell us this and that’. Now the other thing that is important, it’s not, the media doesn’t work in a way that property people call every journalist and editors call every journalist, ‘hey don’t do this, don’t do that’ – people know what they have to do. So when the editors came in the banking inquiry and said, ‘I never felt any pressure from my owners’, I kind of believe them because they share the same values. They wouldn’t be in the position they are, if they didn’t share the same values. Now if the editors were really critical people, who were thinking for themselves and challenging the establishment, they would lose their job right away. So because they are there, of course they don’t feel any pressures from them, they’re as a team. So there’s a truth to that.”

Carey: “Ok, now what about Dan’s point though, that the overwhelming majority of the economics profession didn’t call the bubble. They were, there was a large buy into the idea of the soft landing.”

Mercille: “That’s true.”

Carey: “So, you can’t blame journalists…”

Mercille: “Yes, I can.”

Carey: “When they were being told, all round them. So, fine, you’re quoting one article from The Economist but I think even the IMF, you know, weren’t aware of all the risks. So, you know, what else were journalists to do?”

Mercille: “It’s interesting that I’m sitting here, and every time I go on the media, as the person on the panel who doesn’t like the media and journalists but actually I have much more respect for journalists than sometimes what Dan is saying. He’s saying that journalists just listen to economists and then they just copy what the economists said, it’s not their fault.”

O’Brien: “I never said that.”

Mercille: “You’re a journalist, right?”

Carey: “Yeah.”

Mercille: “The journalist should be robust. Just copying down what the economists? Journalists have to do more and be critical.”

Carey: “But they don’t. That’s the problem.”

Mercille: “Well, yeah, that’s why… I mean I respect the profession a bit more when I say they should. I don’t say they’re journalists, it’s not their fault. No, you have an obligation to research. Of course, the economics profession is also very pro-establishment, so it’s no wonder that they didn’t see the housing bubble. Now Dean Baker, who is one of the best economists in the world, in 2002, wrote a very good paper about the US housing bubble, warned about it very clearly, not vague speculations. Dean Baker writes papers with Paul Krugman, he’s not a backwater economist…”

Carey: “I’ll come to Dan now on that….”

Later

Carey: “So Dan, do you want to respond…”

O’Brien: “Look, I don’t, I don’t feel the need to defend myself. Whatever, but…”

Mercille: “Maybe you can’t defend yourself, Dan. That’s why.”

O’Brien: “I will actually, Julien. I actually worked at The Economist that you talked so glowingly about from 1998 to 2010. Some of the reports that you…”

Mercille: “You should have read the articles then that warned you about the bubble.”

O’Brien: “I was involved in the survey of Ireland, as it happens, that you’ve cited and you don’t quite seem to understand. The bottom line is, I did warn about risks, I came on TV here. I said, in 2006, I said, ‘don’t buy a house unless your income is guaranteed’. I said, ‘there’s a real risk, there’s too much debt’. I didn’t live here, I was asked, I was back and I was asked to go on a Prime Time show, exactly 10 years ago, so I did warn of risks. And, in terms of the post-crisis, I’ve been living here since 2010, I have taken a view that there was a need for fiscal consolidation. The economy is now growing again, it’s recovering. You say austerity doesn’t work, I don’t put it like austerity works, it doesn’t work, we had no choice in terms of bringing our budget back into balance and that was my view. So that’s you know, just, whatever in terms of [inaudible]..”

Later

Carey: “Eamon Delaney, obviously there’s a lot of concern in Ireland around media ownership and cross media ownership. But I’ve often wondered, as well, about cross media employment, you know, where you have journalists, like you and I who are, say, working for Newstalk and maybe writing for the Independent or maybe writing for the Sunday Business Post or writing for the Sunday Times occasionally – that how are journalists supposed to call out each other if they’re worried that the paper that they might be criticising or the broadcasting organisation that they might be criticising might be a future employer that they might need?”

Eamon Delaney: “I think that’s just something to navigate individually. You see, I don’t…”

Carey: “But do people navigate it individually by holding back?”

Delaney: “Like common sense, I think yeah.

Carey: “Define that?”

Delaney: “Well I think that, look, you know, I would be critical of some journalists who’ve written for Independent newspapers, over the years, but I wouldn’t do it in a way that was disloyal to the paper. I mean I’m actually one of those people who believes, you know, if I worked in a restaurant as a waiter, I wouldn’t badmouth the chef. You know? I don’t get this kind of phenomenon that we had a few years ago of a certain Sunday paper attacking the main owner of the paper, the main owner of this radio station as well – I thought it was insane. If I was employing someone, I’d want them to be kind of loyal to the owner and to the general ethos. But I do think, and it does happen, that journalists do disagree greatly even though they work with the same organisation – Patsy McGarry and John Waters used to have great scraps, they were both employed by the Irish Times, I think it’s just something you navigate and it’s a matter of common sense, you know?”

Carey: “Dan what about you? Or sorry, Julien, you want to come in on that…”

Mercille: “I think it’s very interesting what Eamon said. I mean, you’ve said very clearly what I’ve been saying for ever. You said, I’m expecting to be loyal to my owner. I mean this is very, very, very obedient. I mean…”

Delaney: “They’re employing you, I mean…”

Mercille: “It’s very obedient, a real journalist would say, ‘this guy hired me to find out the truth’, whatever it is.”

Delaney: “He can do that as well.”

Mercille: “Well you just said ‘I would be expecting that someone would be loyal to me and I’m always loyal to my owner’. I mean this is very, very revealing. People ask me for examples all the time, that’s it, there’s just one right there…and unconsciously you said it.”

Delaney: “Yeah, and I’ll say it again, I do think one should be loyal to one’s employer.”

Mercille: “Well again, that’s an ethos of journalism in Ireland: we should be loyal to our employer. What is that?”

Delaney: “Julien, you’re one of these people that thinks journalists are paid for by…the media needs…”

Mercille: “What is that? This is the best quote since I got to Ireland. And he repeats it, you know, he’s very proud of it.”

Carey: “Julien, to be fair, maybe to Eamon, I mean in the last four months you’ve written for the Independent, Sunday Business Post…”

Delaney: “Everybody, yeah.”

Carey: “The Daily Mail, yeah, you’re writing for everyone…”

Delaney: “Yeah.”

Carey: “So even taking into account the loyalty of the owner, which you did say, my point is that by writing for each one of them, you know, does that mean you can’t criticise each of them for failures?”

Delaney: “But I do, but I’m careful. I don’t, you know, yeah, I’m not gonna…”

Mercille: “So you criticise on the things that are not too important but you remain loyal.”

Delaney: “No I do criticise on things that are important…”

Mercille: “But that’s what you said, you have to remain loyal…”

Delaney: “No I’m loyal, I don’t believe in attacking the owner of the newspaper…”

Mercille: “You don’t believe in attacking the owner of the newspaper?”

Delaney: “Absolutely not.”

Mercille: “Ok, but that’s very obedient, you’ll get a job anywhere in journalism.”

Delaney: “If I was employed as a diplomat I wouldn’t sit down and start writing tracts against the minister…”

Mercille: “A diplomat is also, they’re also parrots, they’re also parrots, they talk for the government and get fired, they get fired if they don’t say the government line. That’s the PR industry.”

Delaney: “I can honestly tell you, on a personal level, I do have strong principles, on many things..”

Mercille: “Loyalty is one…”

Delaney: “Well, no, if I could just finish, there has never been an issue where I was writing for someone or I was avoiding something that I felt, never…”

Carey: “Right.”

Mercille: “Because you’ve internalised the principle so much that you don’t even feel the principle of attacking…”

Delaney: “You see this is like, you’re now telling me, this is like psychiatry like, I’m not internalising, you’re gonna tell me that I’m subconsciously self-censoring myself…”

Mercille: “No people can hear it very clearly.”

Delaney: “No, no..”

Carey: “Well Julien, if Eamon is saying that’s he never had a moment where he thought he wanted to criticise someone…”

Delaney: “Or a thing…”

Carey: “…but held back and didn’t out of fear of the consequences, is that what you’re saying, Eamon?”

Delaney: “Yeah, I’ve never, never…now I may have the same views as the owners of papers in that way we differ, you know, duly, we do differ, in the same way as someone say you were happy writing for the Irish government, yeah because I shared most of their views and still do, as a state. But I’ve never been stopped. I have been told I can’t write about something – interestingly one was to do with trade unions in which a paper, let’s not say what it was, was friendly to this particular trade union movement. So there you go that’s censorship from the left and a few other things to do with a few individuals and libel but not on any issues.”

Listen back in full here

FROM BOOM TO BUST: A post-Celtic Tiger analysis of the norms, values and roles of Irishfinancial journalists (Declan Fahy, Mark O’Brien,Valerio Poti, Dublin Institute of Technology)

Previously: For Those Who Shouted Stop He Salutes You

No Regrets

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 From top: German coverage of the Cologne New’s Year’s Eve incident; Dr Julien Mercille

The reported sex attacks in Cologne, Germany, over the new year provided far right groups the perfect opportunity to demonise refugees.

Dr Julien Mercille writes:

Many migrants and refugees fleeing war zones in the Middle East have recently reached Europe. Sadly, they have been used by some in political circles and the media to stir up racist feelings across the continent.

There’s nothing better than a Muslim to act as a scapegoat for the failure of European governments to provide jobs and essential services, or simply to rally citizens behind the flag irrationally so that they follow their leaders blindly.

And when refugees or migrants commit crimes against women as in Cologne, Germany on New Year’s Eve, far-right groups were handed a Christmas gift, the perfect opportunity to whip up fear and xenophobia.

To be clear, the reported sexual attacks in Cologne and elsewhere in Europe need to be dealt with firmly. The correct response is to pursue the perpetrators, whatever their migration status or ethnic origin.

But the wrong response is to blame and punish and expel all Muslims or refugees. Germany has by now received over a million refugees and migrants. Some will commit crimes, but most won’t. Stereotypes about Muslims and Arabs shouldn’t be the basis of policy.

As Amnesty International stated, “The German government must not allow the crimes committed by a number of men to dictate the fate of over 1.1 million refugees in Germany”.

It’s easy to see the racist double standards at play in the media and among certain political groups. For example, in 2014 there was a big report on abuse of women in Europe published by the European Union’s fundamental rights watchdog, which interviewed 42,000 women across the 28 EU member states.

The report found an astonishing fact: 1 in 3 European women have been the victim of physical or sexual violence since the age of 15, with the majority of perpetrators being men (and we’re not talking about inappropriate emails or phone calls here, but about real violence, things like to be beaten, burned, slapped, or forced into sexual intercourse).

On top of that, about 50% of women in the EU have experienced sexual harassment—that’s 90 million women.

This is the real scandal about the abuse of women in Europe. Yet, you won’t find too much coverage of that in the media, and certainly not the hysterical coverage found in some outlets about the Cologne events.

Moreover, a few days ago, at almost the same moment as the Cologne attacks happened, a similar tale of abuse surfaced in Germany: an investigator found that 231 boys had been physically and sexually abused, including raped, in a Catholic choir between the 1960s and 1990s.

Guess who led the choir? Rev. Georg Ratzinger, the brother of former Pope Benedict (Joseph Ratzinger). You’d think you’d have a scandal here about the Catholic Church that the media might want to expose. But all we heard about are the crimes of the Muslim refugees.

Right-wing political groups have used the Cologne events to demonise refugees, who they called “Rapefugees”. For example, Lutz Bachmann, the leader of the far-right anti-Islam Pegida movement, can be seen here smiling and wearing his t-shirt that says “Rapefugees not Welcome”.

The German media also poured oil on the fire. For example, the Suddeutsche Zeitung, a leading liberal newspaper, used a picture of a black arm reaching right in between the legs of a white woman (top).

This image was used to illustrate an article in which a psychologist said that every time young Muslim men meet with women they take it as a highly sexualised encounter. The editor-in-chief of the paper later had to apologise and wrote: “We regret the fact that these illustrations could have hurt the feelings of our readers and apologize for that”.

Also, the conservative magazine Focus ran a front-page cover showing a naked white woman covered with black hand marks (centre). One editor described it as “disgustingly racist and sexist.”

But the magazine didn’t apologise, it even defended its image, saying that it was used “to symbolically present what happened in Cologne. Therefore we’re showing as representative for the many female victims a woman who has been made a sex object and been degraded—but who is determined to fight back”.

It’s easy to see how fast xenophobic fears can spread. Migrant men have already been banned from a swimming pool [] in Germany, in addition to protests against refugees in general.

In short, we need to keep a cool head and treat sexual crimes for what they are without indicting refugees as a group—explicitly or implicitly.

Julien Mercille is a lecturer at University College Dublin. His column appears here every Monday. Follow Julien on Twitter: @JulienMercille

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From top: Michael Taft; Dr Julien Mercille

The state of progressive media in Ireland is gloomy.

But that all may be about to change (a little).

Dr Julien Mercille writes:

I am informed by ‘sheet editors that a “beefed up” Broadsheet will evolve over the next few weeks boasting a slightly modified design, new columnists/writers and more cats other “exciting stuff”.  This will help fill an immense gap, especially as election 2016 approaches.

The state of Irish progressive media reflects the state of progressive independents in politics. There are projects here and there, individuals trying to do good things, but with a lack of unity resulting in scattered and dispersed endeavours that often go nowhere, or at least never reach their full potential.

The consequence is cynicism, frustration and apathy. It all looks so disjointed that people don’t know where to go, what to do and who to talk to in order to get organised to change things. Projects are started but often don’t move beyond a Facebook page.

Indeed, because of the weakness of progressive media, people too often end up on Facebook and social media. There you can read scattered commentary and see pictures of this and that and read people vent and argue and complain.

It’s clear that some feel very satisfied and excited at debating others and insulting politicians on Facebook. If you’ve spent five hours building graphics and pictures saying Joan Burton is an idiot, that must have been useful, no?

The truth is that this stuff leads nowhere. The only effect is to make the complainers feel good about themselves and actually spread cynicism further and more deeply.

Sure social media is effective to circulate ideas and organise meetings. But in terms of providing a regular source of analysis and opinion on current affairs, we’ve seen better.

One thing that never fails to amaze me is the quality and effectiveness of the progressive media in the United States compared to the appalling state of affairs here.

Broadsheet tries and will try harder to combine two things that are very difficult to achieve in any setting: 1) provide quality content that is 2) actually read and popular. Many other platforms do well on one of those, but not the other. A good quality blog that’s read by 14 people is a failure. And a website that has a million readers but contains only jokes is a failure as well. I think that combining Broadsheet’s reach with quality content might nail it.

It will be a necessary counter-weight to the mainstream media. Some of the latter is good, but much of it is either too uncritical of government or vacuous. The result is that progressive viewpoints have had a hard time making it through.

One thing that strikes me on a daily basis is how much commentary and reporting in the Irish press is simply empty. The problem is not even that I disagree with a viewpoint, it is that there simply is no viewpoint presented, or no point made, with articles completely lacking direction, or angle, or content. The result is that readers are just staring at the television or newspaper but getting nothing out of it.

Broadsheet may even be useful to journalists and producers working in the mainstream media. As a one-stop shop for progressive views, it will be an important resource to find quotes or interviewees or individuals who can appear on radio and television from among the cast of ‘sheet contributors.

For example, Michael Taft will have a weekly column on Tuesdays, starting tomorrow and focusing on the economy in plain and accessible language. I will stay on for Mondays, and look forward to reading all the congratulatory comments from my detractors.

And there will be other writers joining. The goal is to provide a broad range of progressive viewpoints.

Hopefully, the project will snowball and get people interested and talking together. So watch this space.

Julien Mercille is a lecturer at University College Dublin. Follow him on Twitter: @JulienMercille

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From top: Categories by The Center for Reproductive Rights of global abortion laws from most liberal to most conservative; Julien Mercille

Ireland’s abortion laws are the most restrictive among western countries and often more conservative than the developing world.

Dr Julien Mercille writes:

The abortion debate and whether or not to repeal the Constitution’s Eighth amendment has grown louder recently. It will no doubt intensify as the next general election approaches. It is a hot subject in Ireland.

One way to contextualise and clarify sensitive issues is to put them in perspective. We need to examine where Ireland stands relative to other countries. Sometimes this suggests easy answers and solutions.

The Center for Reproductive Rights (based in the US and with offices in other countries) publishes an annual world map showing the state of abortion laws globally.

As can be seen from the map (top), it divides countries into four categories, from most liberal (in green) to most conservative (in red).

Ireland is quite an exception. Among Western countries, it’s a red conservative island in a green liberal ocean.

On abortion, Ireland is thus like Africa, Latin America, and other developing countries, and actually more conservative than many. (The map shows abortion legislation but actual implementation may vary; it still provides a largely accurate picture of how countries deal with abortion).

Let’s look at the map more closely.

The most conservative countries (red) either prohibit abortion entirely, or only allow it to save a woman’s life. Ireland is in red.

Indeed, in an excellent recent report, Amnesty International stated that we have one of the world’s most restrictive abortion legislation, which “continues to criminalize abortion in cases of rape, incest and fatal or severe foetal impairment”. The law is “deeply rooted in religious doctrine”.

Human rights bodies worldwide have repeatedly maintained that “restrictive laws on abortion, including those that exist in Ireland, violate women’s and girls’ rights to life, health, privacy, non-discrimination and freedom from torture and other ill-treatment”. The recent reform of the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act 2013 has brought no significant change.

The orange countries allow abortion to protect a woman’s life and health. Health can be interpreted as physical or mental health or both.

Next, the yellow countries permit abortion for socioeconomic reasons (when a pregnancy could lead to risks or negative consequences for a woman, broadly interpreted). In practice, many of those countries apply their laws in a liberal manner. For example, in Great Britain, the law allows abortion on socioeconomic grounds but in practice it is freely available (so it should be considered a green country).

Last, the green countries permit abortion without restriction as to the reason. Women simply decide whether to terminate a pregnancy. But most green countries still establish gestational limits on abortion, usually between 12 to 20 weeks of pregnancy. For example, in Denmark, abortion is available without restriction as to the reason up to 12 weeks of gestation. Beyond this limit, it is possible on specific socioeconomic grounds, in cases of foetal impairment, or if the pregnancy results from a criminal act like rape or incest.

In the Western world, green countries form the overwhelming majority.

What they say is something like this.

Women have a right to choose not to continue with a pregnancy, at least as long as the foetus remains unviable outside their bodies. This recognises that there are many valid grounds for women to make that choice.

Maybe a woman is a victim of rape, a criminal act. She should thus be allowed to minimize the consequences of this, including to terminate the pregnancy. To force her to carry on with this pregnancy is not justifiable.

Or maybe a woman is a victim of incest. Why should she be forced to continue with the pregnancy, and fined or jailed for not doing so?

Or maybe a woman had protected sex and the condom split or slipped. Bad luck happens to everybody and has nothing to do with being irresponsible. The green countries agree that this is no reason to force a woman to continue with her pregnancy.

Or maybe a woman finds out that she is pregnant but that for one reason or another, believes that her situation is not conducive to having a baby. In the first few weeks of pregnancy she should thus be able to end it.

Those who oppose abortion may laugh at the above, be outraged, or dismiss it entirely.

But there’s one thing to remember.

Imagine a discussion about abortion held around a table with one representative from each Western country. There would be roughly 40 people around the table. The fact is that all of them would be green, except 2-3 with a slightly more restrictive legislation. And then, there would be Ireland, off the charts in the red.

So it’s basically 1 (or 2 or 3) against 40. It’s harder to laugh now, isn’t it?

Julien Mercille is a lecturer at UCD. His book Deepening Neoliberalism, Austerity, and Crisis: Europe’s Treasure Ireland is out. Twitter: @JulienMercille

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From top: O’Connell Street, Dublin on the morning after the night of the bank guarantee, 2008; Julien Mercille

Between 2008 and 2014, the State paid a net amount of €60 billion to stabilise the banking system with €9 billion spent on interest alone.

Dr Julien Mercille writes:

Do you wonder at night how much has the banking crisis cost us? If so, you should read chapter 3 of the excellent report on the subject by the Comptroller and Auditor General (C&AG).

It provides details on the costs incurred by the State between 2008 and the end of 2014 in order to stabilise the banking system. If that money had not gone up in smoke, the Government could have invested in a number of public services and strategic economic sectors.

The report’s main points are as follows.

(1) The net cost to the State of saving the banks is €43 billion. This is composed of two main numbers. First, it cost €60 billion to bail out the banks. However, the government still owns shares in the banks it rescued.
Eventually, those shares will be sold back and the banks re-privatised (for example, AIB is still 99.8% State-owned). The value of the shares owned by the State in AIB, Bank of Ireland and Permanent TSB is valued at about €17 billion today. Therefore, if these shares were all sold back now, the net cost of the bank bailout would be €43 billion. But the shares will be sold later, and by that time their value may have moved up or down, in which case the €43 billion will be adjusted accordingly.

(2) In addition to that, we have NAMA, the bad bank that the Government created to buy the banks’ toxic loans. NAMA paid for those loans at a discount, and has been selling them back together with the properties to which they are tied, making money in the process. We don’t know yet if NAMA will break even, make a profit or losses, but NAMA estimates that it will make a profit of about €1 billion. This would thus reduce the €43 billion by that amount, but it’s hypothetical for now.

(3) Among the costs incurred above, one interesting fact is that we have paid no less than €9 billion in interest. (Bailing out the banks required the Government to borrow, and therefore to pay back that debt with interest). This is a significant sum. Between 2008 and 2014, the State paid a total of €32 billion on the national debt as a whole. This means that the interest associated with the bank bailout is nearly 28% of that sum.

(4) Another interesting component of the above costs is the total of €152 million the State spent on “consultancy services”. The report gives a detailed list of who got what. Four firms accounted for 60% of the total: Arthur Cox (€33 million), Blackrock Financial Management (€23.5 million), Ernst and Young (€21 million) and KPMG (€13 million).
Now you know why one negative consequence of the Government getting deeply involved in bailing out the banks and creating NAMA has been a sprawling bureaucracy of highly-paid “experts” fed by the public purse.

(5) The State also made money by bailing out the banks, about €10 billion (which is already factored in the €43 billion above). This comes from two main sources: from fees paid by the banks to the State in exchange for the Government protecting them with the now infamous bank guarantee; and from the fact that the Central Bank returns to the State some money it made from operations during the bank bailout.

(6) In the next few years, we will keep paying interest on the debt accumulated to save the banks, which will come on top of the €43 billion. This interest is estimated at about €1 billion annually. (However, some of this will be offset by fees we will receive from the rescue — see point 5).

It is thus clear that the bank bailout cost us dearly. And it was not even necessary, or at least certainly not to the extent that it was implemented. Many people agree, for example, that Anglo Irish should have been left to die on its own, without any Government involvement. That would have saved us the bulk of the total cost of the bailout.

In any case, one can certainly blame reckless policymakers for inflating a housing bubble whose collapse triggered the crisis.

We can imagine what we could do with €43 billion.

A few suggestions:

– Solve the homelessness crisis.

– End the trolley crisis, and much more, in the health care system.

– Reverse the drastic cuts made to a range of community and public services.

– No water charges.

– Raise the minimum wage.

– Give more student grants and reduce/abolish tuition fees.

– Start a range of infrastructure development projects.

But you get the point. We paid once to save the banks. Now we’re paying a second time by living in a country where there’s a lot of services lacking and where quality of life is definitely not as high as it could be.

Julien Mercille is a lecturer at UCD. His book Deepening Neoliberalism, Austerity, and Crisis: Europe’s Treasure Ireland is out. Follow Julien on Twitter: @JulienMercille

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From top: Taoiseach Enda Kenny with disability campaigners last week; Tanaiste Joan Burton and former Labour minister Ruairi Quinn; Dr Julien Mercille

Cold coffee for disability activists and foodbanks for all.

When delusion becomes policy.

Dr Julien Mercille writes:

School has only just started, so let’s begin this column with three exam questions:

Question 1: How many hours has Joan Burton been held up in her car in Jobstown last November?

Answer: By now, the whole nation knows that it’s two hours, thanks to endless media repetition.

In contrast, I would expect few people to know the answers to the next two questions, given the lack of coverage of the issues.

Question 2: How many people suffer from food poverty in the country?

Answer: 10% in 2010, or 450,000—it is virtually certain that it has increased significantly since then (I haven’t seen a more recent figure).

Question 3: By what amount have services to people with disabilities been cut under austerity?

Answer: 10%, or €160 million.

Last week, two events made me wonder if Labour and Fine Gael leaders know the answers to Questions 2 and 3. There seems to be a good amount of delusion within government ranks, as officials close their eyes on the mess they have created.

First, Joan Burton opened a central food bank to meet “growing demand for food assistance” because the years of recession and austerity are still affecting the country.

The food bank is operated by Crosscare, which is the social support agency of the Catholic Church in Dublin. It expects to provide 750 tonnes of food within the next three months to 70 charities and community food banks in and around the city.

Joan Burton said she was “very pleased” to support this strategy, which she thinks is a “great form of community effort”. In other words, she thinks it’s great that so many people in the country are now compelled to get their food from the Church because they can’t afford it.

The trade unions Unite and Mandate recently produced a report on food poverty in Ireland. (Food poverty is defined as missing a meal in the last two weeks due to lack of money; or being unable to afford a meal with meat or vegetarian equivalent every other day; or being unable to afford a roast or vegetarian equivalent once a week).

The 10% facing food poverty don’t even include the homeless, asylum seekers and Travellers, groups that tend to be more vulnerable to it. The report says that food poverty today is not a result of crop failure or weather-related problems—it’s a result of a policy of austerity.

Second, disability activists stood outside Government Buildings for 72 hours, including cold nights. They wanted to highlight the cuts to disability services. There are 600,000 people with disabilities in Ireland.

They talked to Enda Kenny and said they were disappointed that nothing came out of the meeting. Actually, the main outcome was a session of photos that Kenny might use to show he is listening to the country. He also gave a coffee to one of the protesters, as if this was supposed to show compassion.

The Irish media reported briefly on this. But imagine if the situation had happened in an “enemy state”. Say disability activists were camping outside government buildings in Russia and Vladimir Putin gave one of them a coffee to attempt to look good in front of the cameras. I bet the Western media would be there denouncing the “heartless tyrant” who “lets his own people rot in the streets” while refusing to tax a little bit more Russian oligarchs to provide adequate services for the disabled.

The level of delusion seems to be particularly high within the Labour Party. In the Sunday Business Post, Pat Leahy conducted an insightful interview with Joan Burton.

She stated that when they go to the polls, Irish people will give credit to Labour for—wait for it—“protecting welfare, mitigating austerity, promoting job creation, effecting social change”. Wow.

This reminds me of the “Big Lie” technique in propaganda, in which a politician tells a lie so big that people believe it because no one would think that someone would be impudent enough to distort the truth to such an extent.

Meanwhile, it was reported that an “emotional” Ruairí Quinn, speaking at Labour’s think-in last week, boasted that because Labour didn’t “believe in capitalism, we know how to fucking manage it”.

This appears to be another Big Lie, of the emotional variety perhaps. Hasn’t Labour gone out of its way to demonstrate to the troika and the world how much it believes in savage capitalism and how good it is at implementing it?

In any case, opinion polls indicate that the party will be close to wiped out in the forthcoming elections. Hopefully, that will wake up a few.

Julien Mercille is a lecturer at UCD. His book Deepening Neoliberalism, Austerity, and Crisis: Europe’s Treasure Ireland is out now. Twitter: @JulienMercille

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From top: demonstrations outside Leinster House last week; Julien Mercille

The water charges movement has changed the political landscape in Ireland.

With little or no help from the unions.

Dr Juien Mercille, in his first words since the beatdown, writes:

The anti-water charges movement is the biggest popular mobilisation this State has seen since its foundation. Together with Sinn Féin and progressive politicians, it is our Podemos and our Syriza.

And just like Syriza is now under attack by the European establishment because it presents an alternative to the troika’s austerity strategy, the Right2Water movement is once again being demonised by our conservative government and media and ignored by some large trade unions that have chosen to side with the Government.

To be clear, the anti-water charges movement is not about calling for free water provision. Everybody recognises that water services have to be paid for – the issue is about how we pay for it.

We already pay for our water through general taxation, which is the right way to do it because it is more progressive than by paying at the point of use through water charges.

If more money and investment are needed to maintain the water provision infrastructure, then we just need to make general taxation more progressive and raise taxes on the better off or increase our low 12.5% corporation tax and close tax loopholes that allow the rich to get away with paying their just part.

Or even better: stop austerity and stimulate the economy to allow it to grow, which will automatically generate more income and tax revenues.

In any case, the government is now pushing two important bills through parliament which, once enacted into law, will reinforce its ability to force people to pay their water charges.

The first is the Environment (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill. It will make it impossible to sell your house if you haven’t paid your water charges; will force tenants to pay their water bills while landlords will have to provide Irish Water with the identity of their tenants; and it will establish a database that will include much information about Irish Water customers.

In this process, opposition parties have accused the government of bypassing normal parliamentary procedures to allow enough time for debate by pushing through 37 pages of amendments at very short notice. Clearly, democracy is not a priority in the Dáil.

The second is the Civil Debt (Procedures) Bill. It will allow a court to order deductions from social welfare payments or from wages in order to pay for the water charges.

The demonisation of the water movement has also continued in recent days with two main events that happened just as the above legislation was being pushed in parliament.

First, during a protest against water charges and in support of Greece at the Dail, former minister for justice Alan Shatter remained trapped in his car among the protesters for 15 minutes as he tried to drive through them.

So the media brought back the “kidnapping the minister” story that was used when Joan Burton had also been trapped in her car at Jobstown in a similar situation last year.

Shatter said the protesters were “thugs, intolerant, anti-democratic and fascist”. He even criticised the police for letting the situation get out of hand, when it’s clear that the gardai have consistently protected Government interests against anti-water charges protesters since the emergence of the movement.

Second, in another poor public relations performance by those we elected, Fine Gael TD Catherine Byrne (Dublin South-Central) told the Dail during the debate on the Civil Debt Procedures Bill that many people were “stacking up their trolleys with drink and wine” at the grocery store while they allegedly refused to pay their water charges.

The image was clear: those annoying people on welfare just use the money given to them generously by the State to pay for booze but are still too selfish to pay for water, because they “believe everything should be free”.

The Government strategy is thus obvious.

First, implement austerity that throws the economy in recession and forces people to emigrate in the face of skyrocketing unemployment.

Then, just blame all that on “the poor” and make all sorts of wild claims about them. It must be them, after all, who created an out-of-control banking system, inflated a housing bubble, decided on a bank guarantee, took taxpayers’ money to pay for bondholders in Germany and Britain, and had the brilliant idea of implementing austerity to depress the economy further.

But the attacks on water charges protesters are not only coming from Fine Gael and Labour.

They also originate from some trade unions that have remained quite apathetic toward the movement. Indeed, Right2Water includes only five trade unions, the two biggest ones of which are Unite and Mandate. Why are the others not joining this historical movement?

For example, ICTU (the umbrella group for Irish trade unions) and the unions SIPTU and IMPACT haven’t been very proactive to say the least. Perhaps their mindset is best illustrated by David Begg, who was general secretary of ICTU from 2001 to 2015.

A few months ago, I asked him about the anti-water charges protesters and why the trade union leadership did not support them more strongly.

Hold your breath.

David Begg described the protesters who do more than just marching as “the dark forces in Irish society”… and added that we had to guard against such excesses because “once the toothpaste is out of the tube, you can’t put it back in”. That’s from a trade union leader who is supposed to defend the interests of ordinary people.

And then we wonder why there’s a Syriza government in Greece, a rising Podemos in Spain, but an Enda Kenny in power in Ireland.

The real dark forces in Irish society need to be kicked out of power at the next general election. For this, people will need to get to the streets, and progressive politicians will need, for once, to unite, and to do so now.

@JulienMercille is lecturer at UCD and the author of The Political Economy and Media Coverage of the European Economic Crisis: The Case of Ireland (2015, Routledge) and a member of the Greek Solidarity Committee. His new book, Europe’s Treasure Ireland, is published this month.

(Sam Boal/Photocall Ireland)

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Bodger: “Who the fupp are?”

Chompsky: “The strange boys from the Village.”

Bodger: “Stinking rotters.”

Chompsky: “They’ve a girl with them.”

Bodger: “Leave Julien’s face for pity‘s sake.”

Almost whimsically and perhaps in closet guilt at the apparent libertarianism of its no doubt mostly junior advertising exec readership (it promotes, nay ogles, Julien Mercille, conspiracy theorist extraordinaire, Maître Mitty on a Monday. Worse still – and alien to the “get that state out of my life readership, this is a leftie. “Beef cake”, ” boffin”, “egghead”, “the man they all want to marry”: all bouffant hair and sallow skin, his clean-cut just-bathed Canadian earnestness, an embodiment of dissent for Broadsheet’s hirsute, lycra-clad, hashtag revolutionaries.

Ow.

Noms de Plume such as “FluffyBiscuits”, “Spaghetti Hoops” (sic) and “Bodger”: words synonymous with childhood innocence…

A kick in the plumes?

….a Freudian nod perhaps to the infantilism of Broadsheet, where ‘Animal Farm’ meets Old McDonald and Broadsheet ends up confusing our furry friends with the Irish electorate?

*nuzzle*

Broadsheet and its commentariat are – dare I say it – profoundly Catholic in tone, devoutly intolerant of any counterweight to the individualistic, hipster agenda. Its commenters and posters drown in a pool of contradictions, one minute decrying “Je suis Charlie”, the next putting the boot into “Ich bin Hitler” merchants. And what’s going on with over 20 posts about the Fuehrer?

Reich so.

To meet the standards imposed by Broadsheet editorially, the poster requires just a talent to irritate the commenter merely the ability to circumnavigate a crude filter. Though there are suspicions that one John Ryan posts under more than one Nom and some of the commenters seem suspiciously on-message.

Literally preposterous.

And there’s more (link below) so much more.

It’s a bloodbath.

The stakes couldn’t be lower.

Confessions Of A Broadsheet Addict (Julia Tuohy, Village)

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Top: Greece’s Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis, centre, Spanish Economy Minister Luis de Guindos, right, Minister Michael Noonan, left; Above: Dr Julien Mercille

It’s 9.07am on Monday.

It’s Mercille on Monday at 9.07am

Dr Julien Mercille writes:

This week Greece will be front-page news again. Will the IMF and European authorities force Athens to implement even more austerity, or will they finally be more flexible and give Greece some breathing space?

One of the most important myths to debunk is that Greece has not done enough so far and has been slacking off in implementing austerity and reforms.

Nothing could be further from the truth. Greece has implemented austerity more deeply than any other country, and therefore provides the best example that this strategy simply doesn’t work to revive economies.

The UCD economist Karl Whelan wrote a good article a few days ago detailing how much “adjustment” Greece has already gone through:

– Public sector employment decreased by over 25%, from 907,351 in 2009 to 651,717 in 2014 (a drop of more than 255,000 people). Syriza plans to rehire as many as 15,000 employees, but this a tiny fraction of the drop in numbers.

– Greece was forced to reduce its public deficits from 15.6% of GDP in 2009 to 2.5% of GDP in 2014, “a scale of deficit reduction not seen anywhere else in the world” and which involved “massive cuts to public expenditure”, i.e. to services to the population.

– Pension reforms: this is a central aspect of the current negotiations. The perception conveyed by the media is that lazy Greeks retire early on fat pensions. But Greece has introduced long-term reforms in recent years, so that the retirement age will be increased significantly. Indeed, under those reforms, Greece will move from one of the lowest retirement age (at 62 years old) in the EU to one of the highest (at 67.5 years on average).

In addition, Yanis Varoufakis, the Greek Finance Minister, noted that since 2009, wages have been reduced by 37%, pensions by up to 48%, and consumer spending by 33%.

The result of this draconian austerity regime?

Economic activity was choked, total income fell by 27%, unemployment skyrocketed to 27%, undeclared labour scaled 34%, public debt rose to 180% of the nation’s rapidly dwindling GDP, investment and credit evaporated and young Greeks, just as their Irish counterparts, left for distant shores, taking with them huge quantities of human capital that the Greek state had invested in them”.

Adding insult to injury is the fact that the German government, which is leading the charge against Greece, itself had its debt largely cancelled after World War II.

The London Debt Agreement of 1953 wrote down its outstanding debt by a significant amount and established a schedule that extended the repayments over 30 years, which allowed the country to recover and become Europe’s economic leader.

In the words of one analyst, the agreement was based on the premise that “Germany’s actual payments could not be so high as to endanger the short-term welfare of her people or her long-term ability to rebuild a shattered economy and society”. But the German government now is doing exactly the opposite to Greece.

In my view, the overarching point in the Greek saga is the extent to which European elites are opposed to real democracy, which goes way beyond simple elections. They are scared by the thought that people could have a say in policy and in decisions that affect their lives. The Troika imposes its will, and that’s it.

It’s the same thing in Ireland. When were you asked if you wanted to offer a blanket guarantee to the banks? When were you consulted about austerity? Did you ever agree to cut the funding of rape crisis centres throughout the country by 30%, just to make it harder for victims of rape to seek help?

Whenever people power emerges, it is opposed by the establishment. Syriza and Podemos in Spain are hated because they provide a message of hope and offer a clear progressive alternative to austerity. For the same reason, the media spends an enormous amount of time criticising the anti-water charges movement, Sinn Féin, and the smaller left parties like People Before Profit and the Anti-Austerity Alliance.

Another way to look at it is that even though the story is always presented in terms of “Germany vs. Greece”, this is misleading. The fundamental dynamic in Europe is instead that elites from all countries are acting in a loose alliance against ordinary people in all countries. That’s why Enda Kenny is siding with Angela Merkel and the troika against Syriza.

Therefore, grassroots cross-national solidarity is very important and offers one of the best hopes for both Greece and Ireland. If Syriza wins in Greece, and Podemos in Spain, they will support similar democratic movements here.

In this respect, there’s a group in Ireland called the Greek Solidarity Committee. It is composed of activists, academics and the five Right2Water trade unions (Mandate, Unite, CWU, CPSU, OPATSI).

They’ve organised various events and have brought to Ireland speakers from Greece. For example, one of them came to talk about the Greek water anti-privatization movement, making it obvious that the same issues affect people across Europe. Thus, information and experiences can be exchanged and built on.

Another simple way to increase democratic input in the Greek and Irish crises would be to proceed with so-called debt audits. You may never have heard about that because the media never talks about it, but it’s a very simple process.

Groups of citizens evaluate the whole debt of their country and examine which parts are illegitimate, illegal, or “odious”.

For example, should debts contracted by a military dictatorship be paid back by citizens? Should borrowings used to pay back bondholders that gambled on domestic banks be paid back by citizens? Or borrowings made under conditions of austerity which everybody knows worsens the economy? There’s room for debate here, but this is what real democracy is about.

For those who think this is utopian, the Greek government has just released its preliminary debt audit report last week. It was commissioned by the Syriza government and should be used as a basis to address Greece’s debt problems. Is that even imaginable in Ireland? Not under the current government, but if Syriza-Podemos waves come to our shores, it will be.

@JulienMercille is lecturer at UCD and the author of The Political Economy and Media Coverage of the European Economic Crisis: The Case of Ireland (2015, Routledge). His new book, Europe’s Treasure Ireland (Palgrave), will be out next month.