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From top: IMF chief Christine Lagarde and Michael Noonan at an IMF conference in Dublin, January 2015; Dr Rory Hearne

Ireland is a study in failure of the neoliberal financial capitalist model.

Rory Hearne writes:

The mainstream economic theory and policy being followed by governments around the world has failed to produce economic growth and worsens inequality.

So say the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in a sensational new report entitled, ‘Neoliberalism Oversold?

The report is written by three of the IMF’s top economists. For the first time it accepts that the main economic policies of neoliberalism and austerity that the organisation has been forcing governments around the world since the 1970s to implement (including Ireland as part of our recent Troika bailout) do not actually work.

The IMF is not some insignificant organisation. It is one of the central international organisations in global capitalism and it oversees the international monetary system.

The report finds that core aspects of neoliberal policies have resulted in increased inequality and have failed to increase economic growth, and that increased inequality in turn hurts the level and sustainability of growth.

Neoliberal policies, known as “the neoliberal agenda” or the “Washington Consensus” are essentially policies that promote a free market or laissez faire form of capitalism.

Neoliberalism was first implemented in Chile in the 1970s through the brutal regime of General Pinochet (which the IMF conveniently fails to mention) and then advocated for by free market economists such as Milton Friedman and was implemented savagely in other developing world countries under the Structural Adjustment Programmes of the World Bank and IMF, Reagan and Thatcher.

Neoliberal policies include introducing free market competition into all aspects of the economy and society (such as de-regulating the financial sector and opening up economies to foreign investment and capital flows, reducing the role and size of the state by privatisation, public spending cuts, and limiting borrowing), and reducing worker and environmental protections (seen as a barrier to profit and enterprise).

It also includes the commodification of natural and public resources like water, housing, education, health care, that is, opening them up to private companies to convert everything into a commercial product that can be bought and sold for profit.

The Report highlights that two aspects of the neoliberal agenda (removing restrictions on the movement of capital across a country’s borders and austerity (public spending cuts and repaying debt) are the policies that have caused the most problems.

In particular, they are critical of capital flows such as “portfolio investment and banking and especially hot, or speculative, debt inflows” as “Surges of foreign capital infl­ows increased the chance of a financial crisis, and such in­flows worsen inequality in a crisis”.

This has significant implications for Ireland. Ireland has one of the most globalised economies that is built around an openness to foreign capital and financial flows.

Ireland experienced this through the flow of investment from across the world (and particularly from European banks) that inflated our housing boom in the 2000s and we are now again experiencing it through the flow of speculative finance into housing through NAMA and financial capital flows through the IFSC, one of the largest hubs for financial flows in the world.

Ireland is, in fact, a study in failure of the neoliberal financial capitalist model. The Celtic Tiger was built on belief in the private market and in complete integration with globalised markets and this has continued after the crash. The Irish economic model is thus still built on the strong potential of crises and inequality.

Underneath the glow of the economic recovery, therefore, lies these dark clouds of potential financial crisis and growing inequality that suggest major problems lie ahead.

And yet no Irish media outlet (as far as I can ascertain) has covered the findings of the IMF report in any way.

This reflects a major failing in the Irish media to provide any serious analysis or critique of mainstream economic policy, despite the central role that neoliberal economic policies played in causing our crash and the devastating impact of austerity on Ireland.

The IMF report is very important because these mainstream economists have actually used the term neoliberalism to describe these policies.

Up to this point those of us who used the term neoliberalism to describe the phase of global capitalism post 1980s were dismissed as simply being overly ideological or political.

The IMF article gives important legitimacy to the critique of this policy.

It is highlighting that there is in fact an ideology underlying mainstream neoliberal economic policy – it is not an objective science but based around a belief and perspective that free market capitalism is the best way to organise the economy and that this ideology benefits the wealthy social classes and therefore represents their interests.

The problem is, as the IMF paper explains, neoliberal economic policies are not even working to reach their own narrow goals of increasing economic growth.

Global growth is sluggish (Ireland is an outlier and our economic growth has a lot to do with profit shifting by multinationals rather than real economic activity).

In the 2000s, critics demonstrated the unprecedented rise in inequality in countries that had most intensely implemented neoliberalism and that neoliberalism was actually a political project using the guise of free market ideology to redistributing wealth away from the welfare state and worker’s and back to the wealthy.

In my book on neoliberalism in Ireland published in 2011 () I highlighted how neoliberalism was pursued through the use of privatisation policies such as Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) in Ireland.

I found, in contrast to the IMF claims, the danger of these policies which profit corporations and financial investors, but result in rising costs and ineffective services for public service users, and the erosion of workers’ rights.

The IMF do point out that many neoliberal policies have worked well. This shows that they remain blinded by their adherence to free market ideology and the interests of the global wealthy 1%.

Neoliberalism has worked perfectly for the bondholders, banks, the wealthy 1%, big corporations, financial markets financial firms, global wealth funds etc.

It has worked for the corporations and private firms profiting from the commodification and commercialisation of water, housing, education, health etc.

It has certainly not worked for the poor and middle classes of Europe and the US who have lost wages, working conditions, public services and face increased insecurity and poverty.

By the 1990s neoliberalism had achieved global hegemonic status as the dominant political and economic policy and ideology. Francis Fukuyama wrote in 1992 that:

“…what we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War…but the end of history as such: that is, the end point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the universalisation of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government”

Thus neoliberal capitalism had apparently triumphed. Now, even the IMF are beginning to realise that it doesn’t work.

It’s now time for alternative equality and sustainability based economic models.

Dr Rory Hearne is a policy analyst, academc, social justice campaigner. He writes here in a personal capacity. Follow Rory on Twitter: @roryhearne

Tonight at 11pm.

On TV3’s Tonight With Vincent Browne.

There will be interview with former Greek Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis, recorded at the recent International Literature Festival Dublin.

Via Daniel Murray

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Yesterday.

In the Dáil.

Taoiseach Enda Kenny was asked by Anti-Austerity Alliance – People Before Profit TDs Ruth Coppinger and Brid Smith about the Goverment’s plans to hold a citizen’s assembly on the 8th amendment.

This happened:

Enda Kenny: “The fact of the matter is that in 1983, the 8th amendment was introduced into the Bunreacht na hEireann, the Irish constitution, by the Irish people. And that was guarantee to the right to life of the unborn. There were three referenda after that. And, in each case, in each of those referenda, by the people, not just by any parties, the people decided to keep that reference in the constitution.”

Ruth Coppinger: “Sorry, Ceann Comhairle, that’s completely. The people did not vote on the eighth amendment subsequently. They voted on side issues including information..”

Ceann Comhairle: “Will you let the Taoiseach answer, please.”

Further to this, the group Terminations For Medical Reasons (TFMR) has written an open letter to the Taoiseach, stating:

We in TFMR Ireland found it absolutely appalling that you deliberately mislead the Dail, the Oireachtas and the people of Ireland yesterday when in Dáil Éireann you made the following statement in relation to the 8th Amendment to the Constitution: –

The fact of the matter is… there were three referenda after that and in each case, in each of those referenda by the people, not just by any parties, the people decided to keep that reference in the Constitution.”

This was a false statement and one which we believe was intended to deceive the Dáil, the Oireachtas, the people of Ireland and the watching world into believing that the Irish people have had three opportunities to determine whether or not to retain the 8th Amendment.

We would like to point out to you, Taoiseach, that the fact of the matter is that on no occasion since 1983 has any such choice been put to us.

The people of Ireland have never had an opportunity to Repeal the 8th and could not therefore have, on three occasions “decided to keep that reference in the Constitution.”

You, Taoiseach, were a fervent advocate for the insertion of the 8th back in 1983 and have been complicit in the abuse of thousands of women in Ireland in the intervening period by continuing to deny them their Human Rights, as have been established by numerous International Human Rights bodies.

We are calling upon you to immediately correct the false statement you made in our Dail yesterday…

Open letter from TFMR to Taoiseach to correct false statement or resign (TFMR, Facebook)

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From top: Paul Reynolds, of RTÉ; Garda Commissioner Nóirín O’Sullivan speaking to journalists at Phoenix Park this morning

Earlier today.

Paul Reynolds interviewed Garda Commissioner Nóirín O’Sullivan.

It’s the first time Ms O’Sullivan has spoken publicly about the O’Higgins Commission of Investigation.

Mr Reynolds reported on RTÉ’s News At One’s news headlines:

The Garda Commissioner was anxious today to reassure the public that changes that are badly needed in An Garda Siochana will be implemented including changes in training, supervision, incident management and how victims of crime are dealt with.”

“She says it took some time to make the case for investment so that the gardaí could receive the resources necessary to make these changes happen.”

In relation to allegations that some officers may have been preparing to give testimony against Sgt Maurice McCabe, at the O’Higgins Commission, which contradicted his, at a meeting in Mullingar, the Commissioner said she took action as soon as she became aware of the public commentary that gave this impression.”

“She said that she cannot comment further because the matter is being investigated by GSOC. She also said that the Garda needs to change its approach to whistleblowers but it’s already taken steps in that regard.”

Listen to Mr Reynolds’ interview with Ms O’Sullivan in full here (go to 10.20)

O’Sullivan acted ‘as soon as possible’ over allegations (RTE)

UPDATE: A transcript of the interview…

Paul Reynolds: “Commissioner, you mentioned there were recurring faults. What do you say to criticism from people like Mick Wallace and Clare Daly, elected representatives, who say that you were a part of the senior management who didn’t implement those changes when they should have been implemented because the faults kept occurring?”

Noirin O’Sullivan: “Well I don’t think that there’s either time or space to go into it here but that’s something we can explore further with the authority and that’s why we were very anxious that the authority would bring forward a public session because I think it’s very important that the public are reassured that there are lessons have been learned and I think also that…”

Reynolds: “But why were they recurring?”

O’Sullivan: “That the public can be reassured that there is now adequate levels of investment, to allow us to start implementing some of those changes that are very badly needed. So for example, if you look at some of the criticisms, quite right criticisms, in the O’Higgins Commission particularly, we had incident management and  supervisory management about insuring that Gardaí are properly trained. That there are supervisory management practices in place to ensure that people are actually being supervised properly and they have been supported in doing the job that they have to do and providing the appropriate level of service. Particularly to victims in crime, we now have the opportunity to put those measures in place because we now do have the investment.”

Reynolds: “You’ve been criticised in relation to, following the publication of the report, in relation to the actions of some senior officers. Now, I know that allegations were made, they’re unfounded, and this has been sent to GSOC for investigation, but the questions in relation to you have been: what did you know about this? When did you know it? And why didn’t you act before the GSOC investigation was set up?”

O’Sullivan: “Well I think there are a couple of very important points that need to be made. Firstly, Mr Justice O’Higgins conducted a Commission of Investigation, of which we was the sole member. He had the opportunity to hear all of the evidence, from all of the parties and all of the submissions on behalf of all of the legal parties. And Mr O’Higgins’ report speaks for itself, having weighed up all of those submissions, all of the evidence given by all parties. When we received the O’Higgins Commission report, and some of the public commentary attributing, misplaced or otherwise, belief that senior officers had done something which was improper and inappropriate to do, then it was immediately required to the Garda Siochana Ombudsman Commission and that investigation, I’m not allowed, I can’t comment any further but it is being investigated by the Garda Siochana Ombudsman Commission.

Reynolds: “But can you not say why you didn’t take action when you became aware of it?”

O’Sullivan: “Well you know, I’m sure Justice O’Higgins would have a view, if I were to go into the middle of his commission. But, as soon as I became aware of the public commentary which gave this impression, it was required to the Ombudsman.”

Reynolds: “You gave evidence to the Commission, didn’t you?”

O’Sullivan: “Well I think anybody that looks at the report, there’s an appendice of witnesses to the report. Obviously, the Commission was a private sitting and it was a matter for anybody that was before the Commission to request it to be in public but it is a matter of record, in the report, that I appeared as a witness.”

Reynolds: “But what about your handling of Sgt Maurice McCabe? The criticisms in relation to instructions to your lawyers, in relation to testing his credibility, his motivation and his integrity?”

O’Sullivan: “Well, you know, again, I’m on record as saying that An Garda Siochana have lots of things to change. One of them is our approach to people who want to have a different voice and who have a different voice and want to bring things to our attention. And very, very clearly, from day one, I’ve said that dissent is not disloyalty, we have taken a number of steps to ensuring that people can bring forward issues of which they want to raise. Some of those people just want to raise their issues and they want to have them dealt with and they have that right. In order for people to be able to come forward and people that want to, under the Protective Disclosures Act, bring forward disclosures. We have put systems into place to ensure that people can do that, that there will be a safe environment in which they can do it. And we are working with bodies, such as Transparency Ireland, to ensure that the proper environment is there so that people can do that. We’ve also appointed a Protective Disclosures Manager and we will have appropriately trained staff to deal with that.”

Reynolds: “Ok but why did you, why did you test his credibility and motivation… no, sorry, why did you test his credibility and motivation?”

O’Sullivan: “Well, I think, refer it back to the statement, you know, I’m very restricted in what I can say in relation to what happened at the Commission but I think a previous statement makes it clear what the approach was.”

Previously: Clarifying Matters

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Tomorrow.

At the Radisson Blu Royal Hotel in Dublin 8.

Independent MEP Nessa Childers is hosting a conference on ‘safeguarding journalism, media ownership and democracy’.

She writes:

This all-day conference will question the concept of media diversity and ownership in both online and traditional print media – and explore the implications for traditional notions of democratic accountability and journalistic independence.

To seek an answer to these questions and explore issues around ownership and challenges presented by online news sources two pieces of research will be launched on the day.

The research undertaken by Nessa Childers in partnership with the Institute For Future Media and Journalism (FUJO/DCU) examines the relationship between large media shareholders and media content through coverage of four major news stories in Ireland between the years 2012 to 2015 – and the second piece of research looks at how social media affects different news organisations differently through a series of interviews with these organisations to find out about their experiences.

Speakers will include Renate Schroeder, director of European Federation of Journalists; Seamus Dooley, secretary of the NUJ; Flutura Kusari, legal advisor at European Centre for Press and Media Freedom; Michael O’Keeffe, CEO of Broadcasting Authority of Ireland; Dr. Roddy Flynn, of Dublin City University; and Gemma O’Doherty, investigative journalist.

Daniel McConnell, political editor of the Irish Examiner; Jane Whyatt, of the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom; Dr Jane Suiter and Dr Eugenia Siapera, of DCU; Christine Bohan, deputy editor of TheJournal.ie; David Cochrane, social media editor of the Irish Times; Anne Marie McNally, political strategist and founding member of the Social Democrats; and Niamh Sweeney, head of public policy at Facebook Ireland, will also speak.

FIGHT!

Book a place at the conference here