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Actor Bryan Murray supporting collective bargaining rights for freelance workers, outside Leinster House, Kildare Street, Dublin 2 yesterday

In Carrigstown and in Red Rock
The actors are paid by the clock
But if you leave Fair City
For something more gritty
Your wallet is in for a shock.

John Moynes

Rollingnews

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From top: turf cutting in Connemara, 1960s by John Hinde; Dan Boyle

By 1995, 99% of Irish raised bogs had disappeared.

In the period since, more than one third of the remaining one per cent has been lost.

Dan Boyle writes:

A lost family photograph of ours evokes a particular memory for me. I was about four years of age standing next to my grandfather, who was standing next to his donkey, which had baskets on either side full of turf.

It looked for all the world like a John Hinde postcard depicting an over romanticised view of Ireland, which if it ever existed certainly doesn’t exist now. My grandfather would have cut turf by hand. That Ireland is certainly dead and gone.

Or at least it should be.

Raised bogs are only small proportion of the bogs that exist in Ireland, those chosen for protection a smaller number again.

Bearing in mind that it takes ten thousand years to create a bog, it is harrowing to learn that by 1995, 99% of Irish raised bogs had disappeared. In the period since, more than one third of the remaining one per cent has been lost.

It has been almost 30 years since an EU initiative on conservation has taken root in Ireland. The EU Habitats Directive was first proposed in 1988 being fully adopted in 1992.

In Ireland it wouldn’t be incorporated into Irish law until 1997 under legislation moved by now President, then Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht, Michael D. Higgins. This delay was followed by further delays in implementation.

Rural pressure groups argued that the Habitats Directive was being applied too stringently. Successive governments reacted to this pressure by stalling on implementing the legislation.

Slowly, too slowly, Special Areas of Conservation (SACs) began to be defined. However in typical indecisive Irish government action, derogations have been applied to many of these SACs since 1997.

Raised bogs are but a small component of the SACs that have been selected. Together their area is about 10,000 hectares.  This represents about 5% of the turf available for cutting. Other raised bogs have been given less stringent Natural Heritage Area (NHA) status.

A campaign centred around the ‘right’ of not applying the Habitats Directive to raised bogs gathered momentum.

Based on the precept that what always has been done should always be done, and the underlying unstated theme that everything that happens in rural Ireland is intrinsically right, the campaign demonised everyone who denied the right to continue to cut turf on raised bogs – The EU Commission, several Ministers for the Environment and later for Heritage, and more viciously officers of the National Parks and Wildlife Service (NPWS).

The ugliness of the illegal turf cutting campaign is most particularly felt by NPWS officers, a small group of people who have had inadequate State support.

While some of the raised bogs are owned by those who are protesting against the SAC designation most bogs are on already publicly owned land where the turf cutters have had turbury rights – the right to cut turf on public land. A right extinguished once conservation is introduced.

In 2010 as then Minister for the Environment, John Gormley ended the derogation on many of the raised bog sites, alongside a phased timetable for ending all derogations.

As a Green Minister for the Environment he was already being demonised by the turf-cutting lobby. Ultimately this action has not been successful as the compensating factors – financial and relocation have been rebuffed by the turf cutting lobby.

The issue has been used skilfully and successfully by Luke ‘Ming’ Flanagan, and his successor Michael Fitzmaurice, to bring about their election to Dáil Éireann.

The name of the lobby promoting this campaign  – The Turf Cutters and Contractors Association – seems to be the most honest thing about them.

Supporting illegal turf cutting in micro terms causes environmental risks in the form of compromised drainage, and at a macro level removes the potential of untouched raised bogs operating as important carbon sinks, such support is incompatible with being an environmentalist.

Big Brother happens to be the good guy in this case. It is about heritage not greed.

What’s most surprising is the most reasoned sentiments on the issue that has been already been far too prolonged, have been made by the European Commission.

This is an issue where the cliché of ‘stop digging’ has a literal meaning.

Dan Boyle is a former Green Party TD and Senator. Follow Dan on Twitter: @sendboyle

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Ferg writes:

I’ve been in exile in London for 3 years – and something weird happened Friday two weeks ago apres Brexit. Not a single joke in the office about potatoes.

I paid it no mind. A full week past – nothing. Not even a “to be sure to be sure”.

Anyone else experiencing this most unsettling phenomenon?

Anyone?

Pic: Realt.by

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From top: Mothers and babies at St Patrick’s Mother and Baby Home, Navan Road, Dublin in the late 1960s.; Solicitor Rod Baker

You may recall how a Commission of Investigation into Mother and Baby Homes was launched last year.

Further to this…

Rod Baker, a consultant at Hogan Lovells, writes in the Solicitors Journal:

A team of lawyers from Hogan Lovells is assisting the Adoption Rights Alliance (ARA) and Justice for Magdalenes Research (JFMR) in a project aimed at assisting people affected by the Mother and Baby Homes.

This assistance, which is provided on a pro bono basis, involves helping individuals prepare statements setting out their experiences, which can then be sent to the Commission of Investigation.

The long-term ambition is to create a database of evidence that will enable ARA and JFMR to make collective submissions to the commission based on the evidence gathered.

These submissions will relate not only to the findings the commission should make about what happened in the homes and how they operated within the state system, but also to the recommendations the commission should make to improve the status of, and information available to, adopted people.

For example, adopted people are not entitled to a copy of their birth certificate (a document that we might each think would be ours as of right) without first providing a statutory declaration that they will not try to contact their natural parents.

This project is known as Clann (the Irish word for family)…It is hoped that the Clann project will assist those affected by the Mother and Baby Homes, many of whom are elderly or vulnerable, to tell their stories.

We also hope that being able to provide the commission with evidence in an organised and comprehensive form will be of assistance to it in what ought to be the production of an exhaustive report exposing the detail of an uncomfortable chapter in Ireland’s history.

Helping Ireland’s unmarried mothers tell their stories (Solicitors Journal)

Hogan Lovells

H/T: Claire McGettrick

Previously: ‘Must Be Mounted On A Crucifix’

Pic by Margaret Moloney via ‘Fallen Women’ project by Emer Gillespie

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