Tag Archives: Rabble

The first issue of Rabble, September 2011

Rabble, the Dublin-based non-profit newspaper ‘collectively and independently run by volunteers’ and a beacon of alternative news, campaigning journalism, cartoons and general mischief – in print and online – during the austerity years, is winding down.

Of this extremely sad news, Rabble write:

Many of us have been doing stuff with rabble for years on an entirely voluntary basis. There’s a huge amount of work that goes on behind the scenes to keep it going.

Most of us have full time jobs and busy lives. We are time starved and are feeling the burn. It’s come to stage where we want to throw our energy into other projects.

Every dog has its day as they say, and for those of us involved in rabble it’s time to draw line under it and move on.

Rather than have the whole project fade away into oblivion with a whimper, we’re going to put our energy into celebrating what rabble brought to the media landscape over the last 15 issues.

We want to give the whole rabble community a chance to reflect on how deadly the whole experience was and go out with a bang.

So, we’re thinking of having a series of parties, events and exhibitions over the Autumn and Winter to finish the project up on a positive note.

We want to get as many people involved and have several pots of ideas simmering away in the background and are investigating the logistics.

We Are Winding Down (Rabble)

Back issues here

Previously: Rabble on Broadsheet

How many are you on?

Celebrate the 13th issue of Rabble [non-profit newspaper from the underground] in the Pearse House, Pearse Street, Dublin 2 at 7pm.

Featuring Fiona Measham founder of  The Loop, which conducts forensic testing on pills and powder and what have you at festivals and clubs in the UK.

Plus a screening of club documentary Notes on Rave In Dublin.


Celebrate Rabble13

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Last Sunday.

Shannonwatch, which monitors the use of Shannon Airport by US military planes, reported that more than 730 US military flights landed at the airport in 2016 – more than two a day over the entire year.

Further to this…

Rabble writes:

In light of the revelations that the United States were open to leaving Shannon in 2007, but did not at the behest of the Irish Government, add to this the obvious security concerns of having military personnel at a civilian airport, and factor in the cost of at least €45million to the Irish taxpayer.

We ask the question, why is the US military still using Shannon Airport?

We headed down to Shannon and talked to Ed Horgan and John Lannon of Shannonwatch, who have been part of a monthly peace vigil which has ran unbroken for the last nine years.

Video by Jamie Goldrick, Thom McDermott and James Redmond.

Archive footage courtesy of Eamonn Crudden.

Additional footage from YouTube users MrStecon92, PlaneHDSpotter, & SandySueWho.

Why Is The US Military Still Using Shannon Airport? (Rabble)

Previously: For The Record

‘We Didn’t Go Into Iraq With Kalashnikovs’

Thanks Rabble


The system of direct provision.

Introduced as a six-month measure.

Sixteen years ago.

Rabble writes:

This country is no stranger to emigration, at its highest point only three fifths of those born here stayed. The others left without skills and mostly from the poorest parts of the country. For every 100 migrants that left, only six returned. Millions of Irish have left these shores in search of a better life and it’s still happening, there are over 200,000 less twenty-somethings in Ireland today compared to six years ago, one in six Irish born people live abroad.

Compare this to our treatment of those seeking asylum in Ireland. Direct provision, introduced as a temporary measure in 2000, is still with us today. Adults receive €19.10 per week, children receive €15.60, asylum seekers are not allowed to cook, nor to work. The average amount of time spent in direct provision is 38 months, one third of those in direct provision are children, of which 55% have spent over five years in the system.

Since its inception until 2015, the Irish State has paid €890million to providers who run direct provision centres. Companies are paid €30 per day per person in privately owned centres, €15 per day in State-owned centres. Certain companies have established entities in offshore jurisdictions and are under no obligation to publish their profits. From the period of 2011-2015, nine companies have been paid in excess of €10million from the State.

In the preceding year to June 2016, Ireland had received 2,780 asylum applications, a mere fraction of the amount of similar size European countries like Denmark (21,000 applicants) and Norway (28,000 applicants). Figures from the Office of Refugee Applications Commissioner in 2015 showed that only 9.8pc of applications were granted leave to remain.

Céad míle fáilte?

Video by Jamie Goldrick and DK.

A hundred thousand welcomes (Rabble)

lovindublinHenry Silke_1

Journalism lecturer at University of Limerick, Dr Henry Silke, above, writes about online site Lovin Dublin, the Luas dispute and French Marxist philosophy and what ties them altogether.

Dr Silke writes:

The ideological state apparatus has many forms; the anti-working class hipster wing are the most annoying.

So what is this ideological state apparatus? It isn’t, as the name might suggest, simply some sort of State-run propaganda machine a la RTÉ, although that is part of the process – rather the ISA acts as a much deeper and insidious level of ideological thought running through the entire superstructures of society from family to religion, education and even entertainment.

Louis Althusser was a French Marxist philosopher concerned with the reproduction of class and the power structures. He developed the idea of the ‘ideological state apparatus’ (ISA) as a key tool in class structure and in how classes reproduce themselves.

In fact another dogged old marxist called Ralph Miliband (yes, the rather disappointed father of Ed and Dave…) theorised that the majority of the ideological structures are actually run in the private sphere or by private enterprise.

That includes things like entertainment and advertising and even relationships between workers and their bosses who, unlike their staff, are free to indoctrinate as they choose.

Sometimes the ISA is more obvious.

For example if we recall 2008, when the private housing market and banking sector collapsed and the sheer scale of the gambling of the private banking and financial markets was beginning to appear we were treated to an onslaught of attacks against ‘the public sector’.

So, while banks were being bailed out to the cost of billions nurses, firemen and low-paid civil servants became the main focus of media debate.

And, to a huge degree, it worked.

The ‘private sector’ workforce felt put upon. It was ‘unfair’ that their public sector counterparts should have better conditions and this, rather than the billions being siphoned out of the economy by the extremely wealthy, became the focus.

Meanwhile, the public sector workforce saw wages and standards stripped and they were closely followed by their colleagues in the so-called private sector.

One of the more ironic factors of the Luas dispute is seeing the very people who called for the stripping of public sector workers conditions now complain that the Luas drivers are paid more than nurses and teachers.

A more recent example of ISA was the media onslaught against the so called ‘rent freeze’, or anytime anyone dare mentions raising corporation tax.

Althusser didn’t see ideology as the only aspect to power, ideology after all is constantly a site of struggle and doesn’t always work from the point of view of the Elite.

Look at the water charge protests, no matter how long it was ignored, how much it was demonized and how often it was written off as finished, it carried on regardless.

Althusser described people who didn’t bend the knee to the ISA as ‘bad subjects’.

He theorised that when the ideological state apparatus fails the ‘repressive state apparatus’ steps in. The RSA are our old friends in the police, judiciary and prison service.

Gramsci, the Italian communist leader, had earlier termed this ‘hegemony in an iron fist’.

So what does this all have to do with online magazines such as Lovin Dublin, surely simply a sort of slightly edgy hipster restaurant review website?

Funded by ‘native advertising’ the site is filled with generic reviews, events and clickbait content. Native advertising for the uninitiated is a hipsterish term that means advertorial content except, unlike traditional advertorial content, it doesn’t necessarily tell the reader that it is paid for.

However when you strip away the ‘edgy’ reviews and commentary from time to time a deep layer of class prejudice reveals itself.

A couple of years ago Harbo, the publisher of the site, infamously wrote:

“When the sun shines there are certain places that you just know will be packed. The Barge is probably the most obvious place to head but for years it was Ocean Bar. 100s of people would sit outside happily supping pints and watching knackers play their favourite sport of bridge jumping wearing wet suits. It really is amazing how long the little bastards can keep themselves entertained jumping into water and how the local crime rates plunge when they are ALL BUSY having their annual wash.”

The lines above seem to have been retroactively edited out of the site now, but this classic line remains:

“My risotto with peas and bacon was delightful although the scallops could have been a little bigger and felt like small cut offs. Tasty though.”

Locals seemingly an embarrassment to the silicon valley macho culture moving into the tax haven based around the Grand Canal docks.

Harbison apologized for the remarks later, but the pure visceral nature of the comment is there to be seen.

This classist viewpoint runs through the website, articles welcoming the return of the celtic tiger, what type of property €500,000 will buy you, sprinkled with a little faux shock and petit bourgeois guilt about the homeless crisis, but absolutely no critique of the landlords putting people out on the streets, these after all are Harbison’s fellow diners and part of the ‘recovery’ which Harbo claims ‘has to start somewhere’.

The site’s recent lifting of a month-old Tory meme on the London tube strike and slapdashing it against Luas drivers shows us where their sympathies lie.

The Luas drivers themselves are a good example of Althusser’s ‘bad subject’s’ unwilling to be defined by the media circus around them.

The class nature of the reaction is interesting. People like Lovin Dublin are little concerned with the details of the issue, nor the fact that Transdev are a massive multinational corporation who are a classic middle management that don’t seem to serve much purpose outside of removing responsibility from the state.

The State own the tracks, the drivers and other staff do the work. Transdev‘s sole purpose seems to be the outsourcing of workplace discipline, and even this they are obviously not very good at.

One of the key issues annoying the petit bourgeois of South Dublin (much of which the Luas Green line serves) is that these drivers dare to have a decent wage, that they dare to use their collective power to win more of the company’s profits for the people who actually do the work.

The idea that working class people could earn anything more than poverty wages seems to offend. Here the drivers don’t deserve to be paid well, and certainly don’t deserve to be paid more than Tristan and Fiachra who both went to Trinity, (after repeating the Leaving in the ‘Institute’), did a Masters in an expensive private college and are now ‘interning’ in an exciting start up on the docklands tax haven.

Not unlike the attacks on striking tube drivers in London, the offended petit-bourgeois have been attacking drivers with insults and even calling on Transdev to sack them.

The most ironic and laughable, if it were not so serious, is the offence taken that Luas drivers would dare strike during the anniversary of an armed insurrection as it was ‘inconvenient’, and these ‘nationalists’ have been scrambling to denounce the drivers and other workers and offer support to the multi-national across websites like the Journal.ie.

Lovin Dublin’s meme is a good example of this petit-bourgeois mentality, where so called ‘fairness’ is about doing down working class wages and conditions, which are undeserved, and need to be kept in check.

The profits of multinationals or landlords never face the same level of scrutiny or bile.

Dr Henry Silke writes on Critical Media Review.

On The Problem Of The Hipster Bourgeoisie (Rabble)

Thanks Rabble


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Rabble is a gombeen-slaying, non profit underground newspaper and website based in Dublin.

They need OUR help.

James at Rabble explains:

“Our readers have shown they appreciate a voice that celebrates a culture of fighting back from the margins – be it for better club licensing, housing rights, vilifying slum landlords or celebrating our hidden histories from below.
There’s no point complaining about the state of the Irish media, its our responsibility to start building our own alternative institutions from the ground up – that requires throwing their old models out the window and developing our own.
We’ve a harebrained idea that Ireland is ready to support a reader-sustained, free, print-publication dedicated to doing so.  So far we’ve shuffled through haphazardly on the cash front – now we want to put ourselves on a firm footing for the next four issues and give the project a bit of breathing room. That’s why we’re going down the crowd funding route with this campaign.
We are rabble, so are you – let’s up our game and kick start the sort of publication that’s not afraid to stick two fingers up to Leinster
House, the speculators, the god botherers and all the rest of them that want us to remain cowed.”

*grabs Karl’s wallet*

Rabble at fundit here.

Rabble online here