Yearly Archives: 2016

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Erica Fleming

You may recall how Erica Fleming featured in an RTÉ documentary, My Homeless Family, earlier this year.

The documentary showed how Erica, 30, has been living in a Dublin hotel room with her nine-year-old daughter Emily since last summer. Erica works 29 hours a week at a business which has employed her for five years.

You may also recall how Erica’s questions during a post-Budget RTÉ phone-in last October caused a bit of a headache for Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform Brendan Howlin and Finance Minister Michael Noonan.

Further to this…

Erica writes:

One hundred years ago, brave Irish men and women took to the streets of Dublin to fight for an Ireland that was more equal than the one they had known previously. They fought for a Republic that guaranteed equal rights and equal opportunities. Most notable for me as a mother, they fought for an Ireland where all of the children of the nation would be cherished equally.

They were incredibly brave but their vision for how our Republic should be, has not been realised. In our Ireland today, 130,000 children live in consistent child poverty. To our great shame, there are 1,600 children in our city who are homeless and spending large parts of their childhood living in single room hotel accommodation.

My beautiful daughter Emily is one of those children. As a mother I want to fight for her. I want to take to the streets and stare power in the eye and hold it to account for the experiences of poverty that are facing my child daily. Her playground is a hotel corridor: I rarely get to provide her with a home cooked meal. As I tuck her in at night, I can’t even afford her the dignity of leaving the room. This isn’t the Republic that people died for and I feel duty bound to demand that my daughter be cherished equally in the eyes of this State.

I feel that the best way that I, and others like me. can pay tribute to the heroes of 1916, is to also take to the streets of Dublin over the Easter weekend.

So here’s what I’m proposing. On Easter Sunday, I invite all of the homeless people of this country to stand with me and other campaigners on O’Connell Street and remind those politicians who will be celebrating the centenary of the Rising, that our children are important too.

Stand with me and, through our presence on the day, let it be known that the best way to pay tribute to those who sacrificed themselves for this Republic, would be to prioritise solving the homeless crisis that is plaguing the lives of so many people in this country.

This will be a friendly, family-orientated event and all we will be doing on the day is standing in solidarity with homeless families. There will be no speeches, there will be no rallies or microphones and there will be absolutely no hate permitted from anybody standing with us – regardless of where it’s directed.

Our intention on the day is to highlight that our children matter and that a home is the minimum we should be affording our children on this anniversary of an event associated with such strong themes of equality and what it truly means to live in a Republic.

Please share this message! Let this event be known to your friends and families and let’s try make this event one that those who sacrificed their lives a century ago would be proud of. This is my duty as a mother. This is our duty as citizens of this Republic.

Easter Sunday protest for the homeless (Facebook)

Previously: “It’s Not Really A Response, Is It? It’s Just A Speech”

A Phoney Phone-In

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From top: Seanad chamber; Independent candidate Barry Johnston

London-based, Expat rights activist Barry Johnston is running for the Seanad as an independent and the first candidate to stand from ‘abroad’

It’s time, he says, for the upper house to get obstreperous

Barry  writes:

Ever since Fianna Fáil latched on to the idea of a ‘Programme for Parliament’, there’s been lengthy discussion about how the current challenges in appointing an executive may present an opportunity to rebalance the power towards the legislative branch of our government.

It is tempting to engage in a cathartic round of eye rolling when you hear Deputies, many having sat long on the Government benches, talking with the zeal of a convert about the need for ‘radical’, ‘far-reaching’, ‘root and branch’ political reform.

That the clichés about ‘Punch and Judy’ and ‘New Politics’ trip so lightly from TD’s tongues should prompt concern about the thoughtfulness of any proposals being trotted out.

Of course such cynicism might be misplaced, and the rebuke to the old order of politics delivered by the electorate could prompt our politicians to change their spots and vote for Christmas.

For what it’s worth, from my own experience working in parliamentary strengthening with Commonwealth legislatures, there are really three things that are required to shift power within Government: relaxing the whip, introducing the right of recall so voters can kick out under-performing representatives, and providing greater legal and research expertise to enable TDs to become legislators rather than solely case-workers.

One minor element has been missing from the debate however. Up until now discussion on parliamentary reform has focused solely on the Dáil, thereby ignoring fully one half of our parliamentary chambers.

It’s ironic, given how much huffing and puffing there was about Seanad reform in the last Oireachtas, that we seem to have forgotten the place exists while discussing reform in the new one.

But it does still exist. And it really does need reform.

This is usually the part where proponents of reform propose a new commission, maybe a working group. No, an expert group! It looks like the Dáil is getting an all-party committee on reform. Maybe we’d need one of those in the Seanad?

But we’ve been there. We’ve had numerous tracts on Seanad reform, not the least of which was last year’s paper by Maurice Manning.

This presents a ready to go package of reform that could be introduced immediately, bringing ‘radical’, ‘far-reaching’, ‘root and branch’ changes without the need for a referendum.

This would include universal suffrage, including citizens abroad. And these changes could be in place by the next-but-one Seanad elections – which might be very soon indeed depending on developments in the Dáil.

It’s not for want of new ideas that we have the arcane upper house we have; it’s a lack of political fortitude, including from within the Seanad itself. But with our TDs focused literally getting their own house in order could, and would, the new Seanad achieve something similar?

The role of the Seanad is constitutionally subordinate to that of the Dáil; and its powers are designed in such a way as to avoid any rivalry or blocking. Nonetheless, the Seanad does possess a variety of significant constitutional powers it can deploy independently of the Dáil.

It can veto a whole host of executive actions, can petition the president to refer controversial legislation to referendum, and can delay Government legislation for up to 3 months.

Normally of course, these powers aren’t used as successive Governments have had inbuilt majorities of heavily patronised voting fodder (with honourable exceptions) installed in the upper house.

But then of course, these are not normal times. As has been written elsewhere, the executive capture of the Seanad may be about to come unstuck.

The traditional alignment of local and national party politics that had previously ensured a Government majority has been disrupted.

Even with the 11 Seanad appointees in the gift of the Taosieach, neither a Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael minority government would likely secure enough votes for a majority in the Seanad.

An executive formed in such circumstances would have to enter into a wholly new arrangement with the upper house, relying on negotiation, consent and bargaining to pursue its legislative programme (the Seanad has no say in budgetary or ‘money’ matters).

This presents a unique, and possibly fleeting, opportunity for a Seanad to propose genuine reform of the chamber in exchange for assenting to other legislative measures desired by the Government. In short, it’s time for the Seanad to become a bit … awkward.

Of course the insidious whip hand of the parties will still be felt in the upper house with many, ostensibly independent Senators, having secured their positions through patronage at the local government level.

There’ll be prominent jobs on offer with the smaller parties, and plenty of favours to be won in backing the bigger parties jockeying for power.

In this context, the six votes of the University panels Senators could very well hold the balance of power on significant matters.

With ballot papers arriving in the post next Monday, there’s never been a more important time for university panel voters to weigh their privileged extra vote carefully, scrutinise the record and policies of candidates, and look for truly independent voices committed to reform.

A genuine reform programme for parliament will rely on it.

Barry Johnston is the founder of EmigrantManifesto, an independent candidate for the Seanad NUI Panel based in London, and a former advisor to the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, UK.

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When Irish Eyes Are Watching.

A new podcast about Ireland and the Irish in film.

Alex, Cliona and Séan write:

Each episode we discuss a film that features Ireland (or Irish characters) as a main element of the story. It was inspired after a stomach-turning viewing of Leap Year (2010)…

Many Irish people may know that perturbed feeling when a moon-faced eejit called Séamus blows something up in a Harry Potter film. Or feel a sting of resentment when Michael Fassbender, Brendan Gleeson or Saoirse Ronan are nominated for “Best British Performance.” Or even just experience a jab of begrudgery when Kevin Spacey saunters into Dublin to make a kooky caper film that turns Martin Cahill into Danny Ocean.

Our podcast is about such feelings.

So far we’ve covered Far & Away (1992), In Bruges (2008), Gangs of New York (2002) and we’ve just uploaded our latest episode on Michael Collins (1996)

Subscribe on iTunes here

When Irish Eyes Are Smiling

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Dress code for the The 1916 Lost Leaders March on Good Friday in Dublin.

The march will include the Irish Volunteer Cavalry, re-enactors including the Cabra Historical Society, American Diaspora, 1916 relatives, executed leaders Guard of Honour, Women of the Revolution and marching bands. Gerry Adams will be the main speaker….

Sinn Féin Ireland

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From top: Tyrrlestown, Co Dublin; Dr Julien Mercille

Property vulture funds are circling Europe.

Have we any protection?

Dr Julien Mercille writes:

Up to 200 Tyrrelstown residents now face eviction from their homes.This is because Goldman Sachs bought from Ulster Bank a loan to property developers Michael and Richard Larkin. The loan is secured on their Cruise Park development.

The key aspect of the deal with Goldman Sachs is the sale of 208 houses, which means that families that have rented these homes for up to ten years must now leave.

In short, when vulture funds like Goldman Sachs buy loans tied to properties, business-friendly regulation leaves occupants vulnerable.

An interesting element in this story that has not received much attention is the fact that it is a pan-European issue. In other words, the situation we face in Ireland is similar to that in a number of other countries.

How did we end up there?

When the financial crisis struck in 2008-2009, banks throughout Europe realised that they had made a bunch of bad loans. We’re familiar with the likes of Anglo Irish and a string of bad loans to developers and builders, but the phenomenon was replicated elsewhere, in places like Spain for example, which also saw a massive housing bubble grow to dizzying heights before collapsing abruptly.

In the wake of the crash, European governments set up ‘bad banks’ (NAMA is ours) to buy the bad loans of the banks.

The ‘bad banks’ are now trying to sell those loans to global private investors. Because a lot of the loans are tied to properties, when a global investor buys a package of loans, some control over the properties comes with it.

In Europe as a whole, ‘bad banks’ like NAMA hold about €264 billion of real estate assets that will be sold to private investors within the next decade. It is estimated that 51% of these assets are residential properties, 31% commercial properties, and 18% development and land. The bulk of the assets are located in Spain, the United Kingdom and Ireland.

There is a very good short report here  describing all this.

It surveys ten of the most important bad banks, which are, in order of value of the real estate assets they hold and will sell to investors: SAREB (Spain, €107bn), UKAR (UK, €107bn), NAMA (Ireland, €73.4bn), IBRC (Ireland, €21.9bn), FMS (Germany, €19.7bn), EEA (Germany, €15.9bn), Propertize (Netherlands, €7.4bn), KA Finanz (Austria, €3.6bn), BES bad bank (Portugal, €2.9bn) and DUTB (Slovenia, €1.3bn).

All those are at various stages of selling their assets, a process which is expected to continue strongly in the coming years.

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The map (above) shows all the sales of such loans for the year 2014. The UK, Spain and Ireland account for 83% of the sales.

The main buyers of the assets are private equity firms, mostly from the United States, but also from Europe.

Examples include Lone Star, Cerberus, CarVal, JP Morgan and Deutsche Bank. The assets are also purchased by Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs), which are real estate companies in which global investors can take shares and receive dividends from the rental income generated by the properties owned by the REIT.

REITs are attractive because they pay little or no corporate taxes. Spanish and Irish REITs have been particularly active recently to channel investors’ global funds into European property.

But this is not all. In fact, the total value of real estate assets available in Europe for investors to grab is about €531 billion.

This includes the €264 billion above but it also adds the assets held by banks not formally part of bad banks. There’s a very good short report on this here.

When global investors capture properties anywhere in Europe, there is a risk for the occupants. Some countries offer more protection to them than others, however.

For example, the Sunday Business Post mentioned that what is happening in Ireland, with tenants facing eviction in Tyrrelstown and elsewhere, would never happen in Germany, where they are better protected.

Once again, it all boils down to the balance of power between people and corporations: Ireland caters to the needs and interests of global investors; but it should look after the needs of the people instead.

Julien Mercille is a lecturer at University College Dublin. Follow him on Twitter: @JulienMercille