From top: A ROSA organised event in Smithfield, Dublin 7 yesterday to remember Ashling Murphy who was fatally assaulted in Tullamore last week; Eamonn Kelly.

The week that was

It had been my hope to keep these pieces light and amusing, but sometimes you can’t ignore events without seeming out of touch or grossly insensitive. The week was blighted by the horrific murder of teacher and sometime musician, Aisling Murphy, on a towpath in Tullamore, while out for a jog in the late afternoon. It goes without saying that this is a shocking event for any culture to bear.

Reaction

Some women TDs reacted by calling for education for men and boys on abusive sexism in the culture, which is a good idea, education is always a good idea, but the reflex of generalizing such an event to suggest that all males of all ages are somehow implicated, by virtue of their sex, really does a disservice, not only to decent men and boys, but also to the hope of arriving at a more nuanced understanding of violence in the culture.

This idea of “not all men” featured strongly in the discussions on social media and in the press. In the Examiner, Eve McDowell, founder of Stalking Ireland, said it was time men became “more active” in changing the reality of women’s experience, but offered no tangible suggestions.

This question, what tangible actions can men take, was also posed by Mark O’Halloran, actor/writer on Twitter, the answers generally coming down to an appeal to “men” in general to be mindful of the spectrum of violence that begins with cat-calling, and to not contribute to this mild end of the spectrum behaviour that creates a climate of disregard for the safety of women.

In the IT Jennifer O’Connell acknowledged the mistaken reflex taken by some women to label all men as “predators”, when she wrote that while all men are not predators, “…all women know that they are potentially prey. This knowledge permeates many of our lives and curtails our choices in ways that may be difficult for men to understand.”

And that really is an insight and a target for education.

Clarity

An article in the IT by Professor of Psychology at Limerick University, Orla Muldoon, shed light on the problem and offered real insights into what men can do.

Firstly, it appears that men who go on to commit crimes against women first commit what the professor calls “entry level” violence.

She writes:

“Men who perpetrate life-threatening violence against women tend to build up to this point of their criminal careers. Perpetrators usually start with jeering, street harassment, exposure, groping. Yet we rarely intervene when men perpetrate entry-level violence.”

She cites an incident of such entry-level violence when a male student in a school took to exposing himself to female students. When the teacher went to report this, a male colleague laughingly described the student as “a legend”.

So, the answer to “what can men do” to alleviate this ongoing pressure on women is a very simple one. Stop being “thick” as a way of looking clever. In fact, that would be a valuable contribution across a range of social issues. Feigned thickness as a “clever” pose is not as cute as its practitioners seem to think it is, and it does untold harm in undermining the seriousness of certain social issues.

Patterns

Orla Muldoon cites four general patterns of behaviour that create a climate in which violence against women takes place.

The first pattern is that it is almost always men who kill women.

The second pattern is entry level violence, referred to above.

The third pattern is that low level violence and harassment is a real problem for women, and barely a problem at all for men, to the extent that most ordinary men are likely to think that women are exaggerating the problem, since they themselves never experience anything approaching the level of intrusion and harassment that women experience.

Policy

The fourth and final pattern appears to arise from the fact that politics is male-dominated, and so the neglect of the seriousness of the levels of harassment endured by women is reflected in a dismal policy response, mainly due, it is supposed, since the majority of policy-makers are male, to a combination of not taking the problem seriously, as in the third pattern, reinforced by a generous dollop of thickness, the presence of which in the political fraternity few would deny.

Muldoon writes:

Not only has there been no policy response to the many concerns expressed, sometimes there is a systematic refusal to acknowledge there is even an issue.”

On Saturday, Michael Healy Rae suggested that pepper spray be legalised. But this idea was rejected by many women on the grounds that it put the onus on women to deal with what was essentially a male problem. Healy-Rae’s suggestion seemed kind of thick, actually, but seemed to arise from a genuine desire to help.

The Mad/Bad Men Delusion

Orla Muldoon warns that until men see the role of these patterns in creating a climate that appears to encourage violence against women, while men cop-out on the assumption that the acts of violence are perpetrated by lone “mad” or “bad” men only, the problem of violence against women will continue, since the politically male-dominated society, by its failure to act or even see the problem, lends its tacit approval to the climate of misogyny that its neglect of the issue creates.

Spectrums

One of the more useful ideas that emerged from the discussions following Ashling Murphy’s terrible end, was the general acceptance of the idea of a spectrum of violence, from the supposedly innocent “joke” to actual violence.

Many people really don’t get this concept, and it is gratifying to see that this is now an accepted model, at least as used to describe the spectrum of violence against women. But the idea of spectrums of escalation can be applied across all issues.

Condolences

Talking all this theory around such a tragedy may sound callous. To offset that I would like to offer my sincere condolences to the family and friends of Aishling Murphy for their loss. I do know, through personal experience, that bereavement is a kind of life sentence of loss, where passing time itself, far from being a healer, can itself be a source of recurring sorrow.

To forgive an act that would cause such suffering is beyond the capacity of most people, when vengeance seems like a more natural response. This is where acts of violence demean and distort everyone, creating a climate where violence answering violence may seem like the only credible reality.

Eamonn Kelly is a Galway-based  freelance Writer and Playwright.

Previously: Eamonn Kelly on Broadsheet

Sam Boal/RollingNews

This morning.

Via RTÉ News:

Minister for Foreign Affairs Simon Coveney (above) has ordered an investigation into a gathering of officials in his department in June 2020, in the aftermath of Ireland winning a UN Security Council seat.

The investigation will be undertaken by the new Secretary General in the department, Joe Hackett.

An image (top) which was shared on social media at the time shows a number of officials from the Department’s UN Security Council campaign team gathered together posing for a photograph indoors.

Ireland was in Phase Two of its reopening plan at that stage, and Covid-19 regulations stipulated that people could only meet up to six others from outside their household in both indoor and outdoor settings.

A departmental spokesperson told RTÉ News that the report should be completed by the end of the month. The spokesperson added Mr Coveney ordered the investigation last Thursday.

Coveney orders investigation into Dept lockdown gathering (RTE)

Friday: They Keep Their Möet Et Chandon In A pretty Cabinet

RollingNews

From top: Fine Gael’s Minister of State for Local Government and Planning Peter Burke (right) with Minister for Finance, Public Expenditure and Reform, Paschal Donohoe during the 2020 General Election; Derek Mooney

In politics, the things you don’t say, or hesitate over saying, can say more about what you are really thinking than the things you do say. You can hear a near textbook perfect example in this short clip from a BBC Radio Devon interview with local Tory MP, Simon Jupp.

Asked if he thinks Boris Johnson will still be Prime Minister and Tory Leader this time next month, Jupp – a former BBC journalist and senior Tory party communications adviser – responds with… nothing. There are three or four seconds of silence, before he finally struggles to say he probably will.

Setting aside the schadenfreude of hearing a former press officer who may in his time have scolded ministers on their dire media outings, delivering an even worse one, Jupp’s performance highlighted the scale of the peril facing Johnson.

Though he now holds what was once a safe Tory seat, Jupp was still a beneficiary of the Boris bounce in 2019 and is one of the new in-take of MPs, whose personal loyalty to Boris would be presumed. Incorrectly, it seems.

That said, Jupp may well be right. Though Johnson is clearly damaged goods and a potential liability to the Tory party, he will probably limp through the coming month, and several months after that, before the 54 letters needed to trigger a no-confidence motion are submitted to the famous 1922 Tory Backbench committee.

It is being suggested that early May could provide such a trigger point with Local elections due on May 5th in London, parts of England, and all of Wales and Scotland. This may also be the date of the Northern Ireland Assembly election, but given the febrile state of politics at Stormont, and the clear willingness of Johnson’s government to do anything it can to halt the DUP’s electoral decline: RTÉ news: Plans for temporary return of ‘double-jobbing’ for NI politicians condemned who can say for certain?

Heavy Tory losses in those UK Local Elections would send any wavering MPs who were clinging to the forlorn hope that Johnson might still be an election winner, scurrying to grab their pens and submit their letters demanding a heave, or as it’s known in Australia, a Spill (Can we start a campaign to get using the term Spill here?).

Even at the best of political times, council/local elections held at the mid-point of a government term can be a problem. Though political scientists class council/local and European elections as second-order elections as voters view them as less important, it is this “less at stake” attitude that makes them potential career enders for national politicians as voters use their ballot, more often than not, to punish the governing parties.

For most governments the midpoint also marks its polling lowest point. Positive outcomes of promises made at the last general election have yet to be felt, while the less pleasant impacts of tough decisions taken early-on are still biting.

It’s a universal political truism… well… it is in the places that practise liberal democracy. Thus “second order” elections are defined as having three classic characteristics:

  • Lower turnouts (than for national parliamentary elections).
  • Losses for the national governing parties
  • Larger parties do worse. Smaller parties do better

The forthcoming May elections would have been a big political test for Boris Johnson’s relationship with the British voting public without the almost daily revelations of rule breaking, partying and hypocrisy at Number 10. With them, it is hard to see how he survives much beyond the May results.

Meanwhile, though faced with their own respective travails here, Leo Varadkar, Micheál Martin and Eamon can all heave (not in the Spill sense) a sigh of relief that there are neither Local nor European Elections scheduled here until May 2024.

Or can they?

The former Labour British Home Secretary, Jack Straw once infamously said of his department that it was a place where many industrious civil servants were quietly working away on projects that could destroy a minister’s career at any moment.

The project that could end the electoral peace that Varadkar, Martin and Ryan are hoping will continue through 2022, and to 2024, is not that secret. Even more ominously, the one working industriously on its delivery is not a civil servant, it is a giver minister… well a Junior Minister.

That Junior Minister is Fine Gael’s Peter Burke, and the project is not some pet plan of his, but rather a firm commitment agreed by all three leaders and included on page 118 of the 2020 Programme for Government, Our Shared Future:

‘We will pass legislation to allow the first directly elected mayor in Limerick to be elected in 2021. We will support the first directly elected mayor with a financial package to deliver upon their mandate.’

It is not the Junior Minister’s fault that the 2021 target has been missed. To be fair to almost all concerned, there is an acceptance that it would have been difficult to organise and hold an election during a pandemic. But on the flip side there is concern in Limerick that it is now 1000 days since the people of Limerick voted to create the position of directly elected mayor. The election of Mayor is not much closer to reality now than it was in 2019, 2020 or 2021.

Again, this is not the Junior Minister’s fault. It is only nine months since he announced that the cabinet had given approval to drafting the necessary legislation. It is just three months since he told a local Limerick paper that he hoped the election would take place by next Summer”.

And it is just a week since he went on to tell the Irish Examiner that he was taking the recommendations made during the pre-legislative scrutiny report released by the Joint Oireachtas Committee and ensuring that the role will have ‘real power’ when its first holder is elected sometime later this year.”

So, can we be certain there will be an election for a directly election mayor of Limerick during the mid-point of this government and in the run-up to its revolving Taoiseach turning point?

I somehow doubt it.

The main party leaders, and their pollsters, will be very reluctant to press ahead with a mid-point, second order election that could see candidates from the three government parties not just defeated, but badly so. Imagine the deep political problems or awkward leadership questions that could follow a Limerick election result where the Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil candidate came fourth… or worse? I am assuming here that both parties would field their own candidates. It’s a normal assumption, as having one of the parties opting out, or to propose a joint voting pact would raise questions whose consequences were even worse than coming a poor third.

As I have explained here before, I am not totally opposed to the directly elected mayor model, except where it involves an area that hold almost a third of the State’s population. Having a directly Mayor for the greater Dublin area raises major issues of scale.

But while the citizens of Cork and Waterford voted narrowly not to have a directly elected mayor, the people of Limerick voted for it – and their wishes must be respected. This is the point made by such prominent Limerick figures as the former Department of Finance Secretary General, John Moran.

Just before Christmas, he posted concerns online about “…some even suggesting it might have to wait another 1,000 days at least – 6 full years” a reference to some whispers that the election could be postponed further to coincide with the 2024 local elections, to make the term of office of mayor and Council coterminous.

I have no idea if this is a serious risk. If it is then then its advocates will need to take a bottle of Tippex to the Programme For Government and a restraint for Peter Burke, who has bravely staked his political fortunes on delivering this project.

In the meantime, one way to determine if the government parties are serious about holding this election (be that immediately before or after the Summer), is to see if they start making the necessary political preparations, particularly the selection of candidates, anytime soon. We have to assume that they will want their challengers’ names in the field at least a few months in advance.

Derek Mooney is a communications and public affairs consultant. He previously served as a Ministerial Adviser to the Fianna Fáil-led government 2004 – 2010. His column appears here every Monday. Follow Derek on Twitter: @dsmooney

RollingNews

Thank Frodo it’s Friday.

To honour the passing of the legendary Ronnie Spector of The Ronettes, the theme for this weekend’s voucher-less free-for-all is: what’s your favourite song by a girl group?

Here’s mine.

Please include video links if possible.

Lines close on Saturday at MIDNIGHT.

Meanwhile…

Bon Iver- Blindsided

Last week, I asked you to name your favourite song about or mentioning snow. Point Of Order won my esteem with this entry:

“It brings me back to when I had my heart broken, while living in a bedsit in Portobello, listening to Bon Iver on a loop. ‘I crouch like a crow/ Contrasting the snow…’’. My heart has since healed.”

Nick says: Congrats Point Of Order and thanks a million to all the commenters for your kind comments last week.

Last week: Win Nick’s New Year Esteem

Pic: Spindizzy Records, Dublin

This evening.

Leinster House, Kildare Street, Dublin 2.

Taoiseach Micheal Martin, Labour TD Ivana Bacik (pic 2) and Sinn Féin President Mary Lou McDonald join a vigil for slain schoolteacher and traditional musician Ashling Murphy.

Earlier: The Wrong Man

RollingNews

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