goldendisc

Every week we give away a voucher worth TWENTY FIVE EUROS to splurge at any of the 13 Golden Discs stores nationwide.

All we ask from you is for a tune that we can play.

This week’s theme: Bob Dylan

What to YOUR mind is the newly crowned Nobel Laureate’s greatest lyrical contribution to music?

To enter, just complete this sentence

‘To my mind the finest Bob Dylan lyric can only be ________________________________________’

Lines MUST close at MIDNIGHT

Golden Discs

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From top: Daft ad: Dr Michael Byrne

Tenants have more rights when buying a chicken sandwich from a deli than when renting a home.

Dr Michael Byrne writes:

Budget 2017 was another slap in the face for tenants in the private rented sector.

The main housing initiative was the so-called ‘help to buy’ scheme which will make it possible for people spending €600,000 on a three bedroom semi-detached home get €20,000 for the state (although this will ultimately be absorbed by the developer via increased house prices).

Landlords got some nice additional tax breaks. But tenants, who have seen average rent increases of 40% in the last three years, got nothing.

Many of us were already left speechless when the government’s Rebuilding Ireland housing plan failed to include a single measure for the private rented sector. This leaves all hope resting on Minister for Housing Simon Coveney’s forthcoming National Strategy for the private rental sector.

For this strategy to have any impact, however, it must get beyond the narrow lens of ‘supply’ which has dominated the debate so far.

This approach is based on a straightforward idea: if we have more supply of rental accommodation, rent increases will stabilize and everyone will be able to find a place to live.

Let’s set aside for a moment the obvious problem that in the real world of the Irish housing system there is no direct correlation between supply and rent levels.

Perhaps more importantly, what is forgotten here is that private rental housing in this country is inherently dysfunctional and a contravention of the right of tenants to a home. Once we appreciate this the absurdity of focusing solely on supply becomes clear.

Let’s take a brief look at what passes for normal in the private rental sector. To take one example, during the first six months of a tenancy any landlord can evict any tenant for no reason whatsoever.

Imagine you’ve moved house. You’ve just got your routine together, the kids settled in their new bedrooms, the school run and morning commute figured out. Then you get a letter from your landlord saying you have 28 days (that’s right 28 days) to get out.

Why? Maybe he just doesn’t feel like it anymore. Maybe he thinks he can get more money from someone else.

In the end it doesn’t matter, because your landlord is perfectly entitled to do this.

If banks had a similar ‘grace period’ during which they could pull out of mortgage contracts or local authorities had similar eviction powers for social housing tenants it would be a national scandal. But tenants in the private rented sector don’t seem to matter so much.

Even after this ‘grace period’ of six months there are ample opportunities for landlords to evict. They may have a child, cousin, niece, nephew, aunty (etc.) who want to use the property.They may wish to sell. Maybe they want to refurbish.

All of these are, under current regulations, valid reasons to terminate a tenancy. It’s not hard to imagine abuse of these regulations by, for example, simply pretending the house is required for family use. At the Dublin Tenants Association, in which I participate, we see this every week.

In short, there is no security of tenure in the private rented sector.

Meanwhile, it is impossible to know how much you will be paying for rent this time next year. Rent increases of as much as €600 per month are not uncommon.

With average rents for a one bedroom apartment in Dublin currently around €1,200, if you are working full time on the minimum wage your rent will take up 80% of your take home pay.

The only ‘regulation’ is that landlords cannot increase the rent above the level of ‘market rent’. This is simply absurd since landlords define what the market rent is.

The key point is that in today’s world it is simply not possible to live like this. Apart from the very real risk of homelessness, how are we supposed to save, take out pensions or plan for our future on any level if the only thing we know about our housing costs is that they will go up?

The condition of accommodation in the rental sector is similarly dismaying. The reality is that today you have more rights when buying a chicken sandwich from a deli than when renting a home.

If you buy a chicken sandwich with mold on it you’ll get all of your money returned in full. If the deli keeps selling moldy produce it will be shut down. Try getting a landlord to deal with mold and the weakness of the regulations will become all too clear.

It is perfectly obvious that no one can feel secure and safe in their home in these conditions. Is this the kind of housing we want to increase the supply of? Do we want even more households to have no idea where they’ll be living next year or even next month and even less of an idea how much they’ll be paying for it?

Currently one third of all households in Dublin are in the private rental sector. Do we want 40% of even 50% of households in the capital to be subjected to the chaos, instability and woeful standards of this sector?

The answer is an emphatic no. The debate needs to change and it needs to change immediately.

Let me be very clear, housing supply needs to increase, there can be no debate about that. But we need to move away from a narrow focus on supply and recognize the necessity for radically transforming the private rental sector. This means placing security of tenure at the centre of policy reform and it means regulating the affordability of rents.

If you happen to be part of the very small minority that are developers, bankers and landlords by all means continue to focus solely on supply. After all that makes it more likely you’ll get tax incentives and other handouts from the government.

For tenants and for anyone who cares about the right to housing, however, we need to recognize that it’s time we saw a systematic change of the private rental sector for once and for all.

Dr. Michael Byrne is a lecturer at the School of Social Policy, Social Work and Social Justice in UCD and participates in the Dublin Tenants Association Follow Michael on Twitter: @mickbyrne101

passport-www-scarfolk-blogspot-com

Between 1972 and 1976 thousands of British citizens were deported to an immense raft which floated five miles off the coast of Blackpool. Realising that they were now the foreigners they had previously denigrated, the deportees hurled racist abuse at themselves and each other and frequently got into fights.

Points Based Citizenship (1972) (Scarfolk Blogspot)

thisisnthappiness

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Stuck for an early stocking filler?

Ciaran writes:

2016 may be the most grim year in living memory but here’s how to end it on a high. The Second Captains Sports Annual, Volume 2 is packed full of all the stuff that made the year memorable in a positive sense…yes, mainly Robbie Brady’s goals at the Euros. Check out the video [above] for a sneak peak but be warned, you may shed a tear...

Mmf.

Pre-order here

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From top: the panel on Wednesday’s night’s Late Debate and the presenter Cormac Ó hEadhra

On Wednesday night.

On RTÉ Radio One’s Late Debate.

The panel discussed the Garda whistleblowers, following Garda Commissioner Nóirín O’Sullivan’s appearance before the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Justice and Equality earlier that day.

Readers will recall how, during that meeting, Independents 4 Change TD Clare Daly repeatedly asked Ms O’Sullivan if she would confirm legal counsel for one of the Garda whistleblowers wrote directly to her 14 times over a two-year period, outlining the whistleblower’s experience of surveillance and intimidation.

Ms Daly asked this based on Ms O’Sullivan saying she wasn’t privy to any information about allegations of mistreatment of whistleblowers.

Ms O’Sullivan repeatedly said she would not answer any specific questions in relation to any specific individual or any specific correspondence received.

The Late Debate panel included Fine Gael TD Colm Brophy; Independent TD Stephen Donnelly; Independent TD Catherine Connolly; Sinead Ryan, of the Irish Independent; Sean Healy, director of Social Justice Ireland; and Noel Whelan, barrister and Irish Times columnist.

From the panel discussion with presenter Cormac Ó hEadhra…

Cormac Ó hEadhra: “Let’s turn to the Budget in just a moment but we’ll start with the embattled Garda Commissioner Noirin O’Sullivan who came before the justice committee today, she had some serious questions to answer from the committee. Tonight the Tanaiste has staunchly defended the Commissioner. The Minister for Justice Frances Fitzgerald – Colm Brophy, your colleague in Fine Gael – has said there is no evidence of wrongdoing against Noirin O’Sullivan, is that correct though?”

Colm Brophy: “Well, I think so, and I was at the justice committee today. I was one of a number of TDs who had the opportunity to question and talk to the Garda Commissioner and I mean there’s no question. There are a swirl of allegations and comments and various other things but I thought the Commissioner dealt very fairly and squarely with them all. I think she answered every question she was asked and made it very clear that there were one or two areas that she can’t answer because she is prohibited from answering because she, because of her role and she but that I mean…”

Ó hEadhra: “But saying there’s no evidence at all, surely that’s not correct? Surely there’s a prima facie case to answer?”

Noel Whelan: “There…”

Ó hEadhra: “You’re saying there’s not, Noel?”

Whelan: “I’m sorry, I, I, I have to say I was appalled by the clips and I’ve only seen and heard the clips on the radio and on the television today that I saw. I said to myself is it any wonder that the public rejected the notion of giving Oireachtas committees powers when some members – and I emphasise some members – take a view that they can come into a committee and say, ‘somebody has told me this thing, this allegation’ and even though there’s an inquiry, has been appointed, to establish the evidence. I mean Clare Daly just said ‘I have evidence that’. She has evidence of nothing. She has hearsay of an allegation.”

Ó hEadhra: “She has…”

Whelan: “It’s hearsay…No…no it’s not evidence, it’s not evidence.”

Ó hEadhra: “She has evidence that needs to be tested.”

Whelan:It’s not evidence.”

Ó hEadhra: “You’re saying there’s no prima facie case to answer.”

Whelan: “No, I’m, no, I’m not, that’s not what I’m saying.”

Ó hEadhra: “You did say.”

Whelan: “No, I didn’t, no…”

Ó hEadhra: “Yes you did, two seconds ago…”

Whelan: “No, you said…”

Ó hEadhra: “Two seconds ago…”

Whelan: “I said there is not evidence… no, my issue is her use and your word, your use of the word, your use of the word ‘evidence’. What seems to have happened here is somebody decided to use the confidential disclosure mechanism, which has recently been established pursuant to the whistelblowers’ acts which by it’s very nature means those about whom allegations are being made, the information is not shared with them. So if, in passing it seems, or in part of the context of allegations which seem to be directly related to the previous commissioner, it’s suggested that the current commissioner did something wrong, she would not be aware of who made those allegations or what precisely those allegations mean. Simultaneously with making those allegations to the Confidential Recipient – for confidential purposes – the people, or people close to the people who made the complaint talk to a range of journalists and politicians and give them the details…”

Ó hEadhra: “But why though?”

Whelan: “Why.”

Ó hEadhra: “Why do they do that?”

Whelan: “Even before the minister got a chance, even before the minister gets a chance to sit at her desk..”

Ó hEadhra: “Why would they do that I wonder?”

Whelan: “Exactly, exactly…”

Ó hEadhra: “You answer that question.”

Whelan:Why wouldn’t they wait for the minister first to make a decision as to what to do next? What does the minister decide to do? The minister decides to go and get a high court judge to inquire into the precise allegations that are made because that person can then see what the allegations are and then test…”

Ó hEadhra:Why would they go to journalists? Is it, I wonder, and this is just a question, I don’t know, is it I wonder because there’s a lack of trust in the chain of command within An Garda Siochana?”

Whelan: “Or because..”

Ó hEadhra: “Could it be that?”

Whelan: “It could of course…Of course it could be that…no, no, let me finish…let me answer…it could be that, or it could be because they want to undermine the Commissioner.”

Talk over each other

Whelan: “Irrespective of whether the allegations stand up or not…”

Ó hEadhra: “But given the fact, given the fact that a solicitor of one of the people who made the allegations…”

Whelan: “No…”

Ó hEadhra: “Hang on, hang on..”

Whelan: “You have to distinguish here…he is not…that solicitor does not represent one of the complainants to the confidential recipient…”

Ó hEadhra: “I accept that…”

Whelan: “And this is the confusion…”

Ó hEadhra: “Listen to my question though….”

Whelan: “No, but you said one of the allegators [sic], he’s not one of the persons making the allegations…”

Ó hEadhra: “One of the previous whistleblowers…”

Whelan: “Exactly…”

Ó hEadhra: “Right…. Has made an allegation that GSOC investigations, for example, a previous investigation set up, have been frustrated by the force. Now, when you call for due diligence and due process I mean and that due process is frustrated well what would you, as a barrister, do? If you’re involved…hang on now… this is the question, if you’re involved in an investigation, as a barrister, right? And you find that your investigations are being frustrated, for example, there isn’t a disclosure or a discovery, what do you do in that instance?

Whelan: “Hold on, the whistleblower isn’t conducting this investigation. That investigation is being conducted by Justice Mary Ellen Ring and GSOC. She has complained about the fact that she doesn’t have power to compel a timely disclosure of information from the gardai so you address it that way or she goes in, she has done more publicly, called on a more speedy addressing of the information. Now, you don’t go and piggyback, you don’t go and seek to piggyback on an investigation that everybody says has to be conducted quickly, that everybody says is significant, in my view, it’s not significant, it’s potentially significant – if the evidence stands up. And everybody says, you appoint a high court judge to investigate two other complaints made on the confidential system by two other complainants, you don’t piggyback on that because all that will do is confuse, as has already happened here in the presentation of it and secondly, delay the outcome.”

Ó hEadhra: “But hold on, you’re after telling us that an investigation that is under way, the judge is in charge of it, and the judge has said, look this investigation is being delayed…”

Whelan: “She said she wants to move quicker…”

Ó hEadhra: “Yeah and…”

Talk over each other

Ó hEadhra: “In the meantime, more whistleblowers come forward, make an allegation and that is fished out to another investigation…”

Whelan:No a whistleblower hasn’t come forward. What’s come forward is someone making a complaint to the confidential recipient that he himself was involved in a campaign to do in a whistleblower...”

Ó hEadhra:Who is, in effect, another whistleblower...”

Whelan: “So then he becomes himself…”

Ó hEadhra: “Yes…”

Whelan: “A whistleblower..”

Ó hEadhra: “Yeah, so what? That’s what I said..”

Whelan:But either because of remorse, as is suggested, or because it’s the best way to protect his own position...”

Ó hEadhra: “But the key question, Noel, is, the key question…”

Whelan: “And that’s why, we don’t have to decide this Cormac, that’s why you appoint a High Court judge do decide these things and what you don’t do: here’s the real unfairness and injustice, you don’t allow politicians then to go into committee and just lob those allegations or any other colourful allegations they want across the table and require a witness to respond. I mean that’s, that’s Trump-like politics…”

Talk over each other

Ó hEadhra: “Hang on…But there’s another parallel question…”

Whelan: People are saying that, insert the most colourful thing that will get me most headlines...”

Ó hEadhra: “That is incorrect and unfair, Noel.”

Whelan: “I’m sorry, it’s not unfair. And the media have fallen for it.”

Ó hEadhra: “That is unfair.”

Listen back in full here

Previously: You’ll Get Nothing From Me

‘Was The O’Higgins Report Not Enough For You?’

 

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Above from left: Dublin City Councillor Eilis Ryan, Vincent the Vulture, Jimmy Dignam.

‘sup?

This morning.

The Marker Hotel, Grand Canal Dock, Dublin 2

Members of the Worker’s Party stage a citizen’s arrest of ‘property vultures’ as the Marker Hotel host the Irish Property Developers’ Conference.

Rollingnews

hillary

Good times.

More as they leak it

The Podesta Emails (Wikileaks)

If Beijing can claim South China Sea, US can call Pacific ‘American Sea’, says Clinton in leaked speech (South China Morning Post)

Yesterday: In The Dumps

Meanwhile…

google-hillary-clinton-1465559137

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rL7Z86tgl2Q

“It’s obvious something is happening to YouTube…”

Researcher David Seaman highlights connections between Google and Hillary Clinton (via Wikileaks) and its possible effect on recent You Tube algorithms.

Evil, dude.

Meanwhile…

Boom.

Broadsheet.ie