Last night

National Concert Hall, Dublin 2

Shane MacGowan on the occasion of his 60th birthday is celebrated by President Michael D. Higgins and a line-up that included Bono, Nick Cave, Bobby Gillespie of Primal Scream, Glen Hansard, Camille O’Sullivan, Johnny Depp, Sinéad O’Connor, Cerys Matthews, Carl Barat of The Libertines, Lisa O’Neill, Finbar Furey, Glen Matlock of The Sex Pistols, Clem Burke of Blondie, Cáit O’Riordan, Spider Stacy, Jem Finer, Terry Woods of The Pogues, and more.

President Higgins presented Shane with a special Lifetime Achievement Award in recognition of the “power and poetry of his work and his singular contribution to Irish music”.

All pics: Mark Stedman

From top: Fine Gael Minister for Housing, Planning and Local Government Eoghan Murphy during a press conference on the publication of the 2017 housing delivery figures in the Government Press Centre yesterday; Michael Taft

Is the Government going to introduce an affordable housing scheme? There are reports they will do so. One of the problems is how do we define affordability?

Deputy Eoin Ó Broin’s criticism of the Taoiseach’s reference to €310,000 as being affordable was correct. But with new accommodation units in Dublin exceeding €400,000, how can we afford ‘affordable’ homes without massive producer or consumer subsidies which rarely have the desired effect and can lead to ever spiraling prices?

There’s a legitimate desire to own a home (the security, the autonomy), even as the prospect is further away for a growing segments of the population. Is there a progressive way to promote home ownership alongside affordable rental and social models? Yes, if we do it in a non-speculative way.

Limited equity housing allows more people to ‘own’ their home without turning the house into a speculative asset. It is similar to the Nevin Economic Research Institute’s cost-rental model, except that equity is purchased.

Here’s how it works:

Sarah buys a limited equity house. She pays 50 percent of the price of the house through a mortgage (or cash). She also makes a second payment – which covers the capital costs of the other 50 percent which is held by a public housing association or other public body.

In all respects, Sarah is the owner. She is responsible for the payments, property tax, repairs, maintenance, etc. She can undertake any improvements she wants (within planning rules), just like a home-owner.

The first difference is this: she cannot rent it out it out to a third party. She cannot use the house as a revenue-generating asset.

The second difference: if she wants to sell it she can only sell it back to the housing association. She will get her equity back plus any costs that improve the value of the house (an attic conversion, etc.). In other words, she cannot ‘play the market’ when selling her house.

However, there are provisions, as Michelle Norris (Head of the school of Social Policy, Social Work and Social Justice at UCD) points out, where Sarah could sell on to a third party – but under the same restrictions.

In effect, a house becomes an item of consumption (that is, it is used as a home); it is not allowed to be an asset to be speculated on.

Another important point is that the house be procured by the public housing association or other public body. This keeps prices low as the Minister recently told the Dáil.

The all-in costs include normal site works and site development, land cost, professional fees, utility connections, site investigations/surveys, archaeology where appropriate, VAT and contribution to public art. It is probably the case – though it’s not stated in the Parliamentary reply – that Dublin prices will be higher, with the rest of the country lower.

Therefore, if the state makes a capital grant of 25 percent towards the building cost, Sarah may find that her mortgage (after a 10 percent deposit) is less than €65,000.

Once Sarah pays off her mortgage, she continues with her second payment. If she sells, she gets back her equity payments (inflation-indexed) and the cost of any improvements.

This is a simplistic summary and, no doubt, there are other considerations (e.g. a small insurance payment for payment defaults). But this makes home-ownership feasible, reducing the amount of savings needed to take out a mortgage, and the monthly payments.

In effect, this complements NERI’s cost-rental with a cost-purchase home ownership model.
This is not intended to replace traditional home-purchases. However, it is intended to provide another model for housing, another choice – as part of a drive to create a systemic pluralist housing system. It is also intended to provide more social or non-profit, non-speculative models.

This plurality can help make the entire system more efficient and affordable. For instance, under NERI’s cost-rental model, it would not be necessary to replace private rental. However, a few thousand units in Dublin would help drive up the vacancy rate.

When this happens, the upward pressures in the private rental sector would ease, rents would stabilise and hopefully fall in real terms in the years ahead. This same process would happen with more social housing– transferring tenants from the private sector to the social sector, thus driving up the vacancy rate. A similar process could develop with the home purchase market if a limited equity was rolled out.

If one insists on seeing this in market terms, then what we need is greater competition with the state stepping in to provide that competition. If cost-rental and cost-purchase took off, private providers would have to up their game – in terms of quality, tenant security and affordability.

All it takes is for policy-makers to break from their ‘residual sector’ mind-set – whereby social housing is for the poor while it is the private sector (with a little/lot of help from state subsidies), and only the private sector, that must cater for everyone else.

Once we do that, we can have a plurality of innovative housing models to cater for people’s needs in their different life-cycles.

But until that break is made, we will be swimming in targets and reports and self-congratulating Ministerial statements; but not affordable housing.

Michael Taft is economic analyst and author of the political economy blog, Notes on the Front.

Rollingnews

 

Dolores O’Riordan in 1999 (top) and with cat ‘Gio’ (above) on January 5 in her last tweet

BREAKING: Shock at sudden death of Limerick’s Dolores O’Riordan (Limerick Leader)

Pic: Dolores O’Riordan

Ashley Perry

While stepping out of the Dublin airport into the brisk chill of an average late September afternoon in Ireland, my body immediately recognised the stark contrast of the climate that I was accustomed to.

My journey began in my hometown of Tuscaloosa, Alabama. The humidity and summer blaze can never be escaped that time of year. Ironically, at the drop of a few degrees women, idealistically called ‘southern belles’, would emerge from their well to-do neighbourhoods in knee-high snow boots and the occasional faux fur vest if that day’s events called for more upscale encounters despite the sweat accumulating before walking out their doors.

My thoughts raced but I had hoped, in a sense, I would escape the South to emerge myself in the culture of Europe. Albeit, the weather was different and women weren’t dawned in faux fur vests despite the temperature being drastically unfathomable by ‘southern belles’ but something felt familiar.

I would come to recognize that despite the weather, Ireland and Alabama had more in common than I could have ever imagined.

Studying abroad had always been my dream. As a small, town girl from Alabama, I can even recount doing a Little Miss Beauty Pageant that vaguely reiterated a small questionnaire about my hopes and dreams as I attempted, but failed, to gracefully glide across a poorly lit gymnasium.

Contestant Number 13, Miss Ashley Perry, would like to backpack across Europe instead of pursuing a college degree.’ As fate would have it I would move to Europe at 21, but to pursue a Masters in Human Rights.

In meeting my Irish classmates the conversation seemed to always shift to the political climate of Alabama. Questions mainly boiled down to if Alabama was still racist and if so, what were my thoughts on this. Although my classmates, who I now consider dear friends, didn’t intentionally mean to be so inconspicuous, their questions were asked to discover if I in fact was racist.

Of course, my reaction would be dripping with pure optimism about the trajectory of race relations in the South but in the beginning, I never had the heart to tell them the reality. Despite my adamant stance on the equality of all, my own maternal grandfather was an avid member of the Ku Klux Klan.

Forever haunted by my genealogical past, I did everything in my power to be the antithesis of who he was and what he stood for without exposing a well-kept family secret. At some stages of my younger life I genuinely questioned if things would ever get better or if this little portion of America would stay forever halted in the past.

When discussing race in Alabama, one will often find, within a white dominated crowd, people acknowledge the past to a degree but there will always be a quite daunting sentiment that seemed incongruent with the current race relations of America today stated. ‘When will people get over it?’

That sentence would be reiterated to me by an Irish Department of Justice and Equality official when I found myself working for an organisation that advocated for survivors of the Magdalene Laundries. Although I took the internship position to fulfil my requirements for my masters degree, I had at this point become deeply entrenched in the institutionalized abuse of women by the Catholic church.

The Official in question would ask me this at a post-United Nations review session cocktail event while still in Geneva. Even at the very meeting, him and all the others involved with the Magdalene redress scheme were to be questioned on their productivity, there was still a lack of understanding of how demeaning Ireland treated women by eliminating their own autonomy and entrapping them for almost a century.

As the words left his mouth, it was as if I’d already knew the discussion that was going to ensue because I’d had it multiple times before in Alabama. I firmly pleaded with him to understand that the issues of the past are most definitely the issues of today’s Ireland. I was met with a smug smile that seemed to purvey a sense of insignificance.

The stage and actors had been transformed but the narrative still remained. It was when I knew I had not escaped Alabama’s tumultuous race relations but simply exchanged one group of oppressors for another.

I reminisce on this day quite frequently when wrestling with the love I have for Ireland and Alabama, while recognising the horrible truths of the societies’ biases. As my Irish classmates questioned me about Alabama and the treatment of African Americans, there was cognisant thoughtfulness on how the issues of the past still were perceived as issues of today.

Although it took time, I eventually felt the responsibility to express the realities of incomplete justice to those foreign to me and acknowledge my own family member’s contribution to discrimination in the not so distant past. If only I had the courage in the moment that question left the official’s mouth to ask him to do the same.

To address that we have all been complicit in allowing the past to impede into the future and by merely admitting this sentiment allows for instigation of growth and progressive action. As a new wave of feminism sweeps Ireland, it should not be lost on anyone that the treatment of women in the Magdalene laundries is similar to the repression of women’s bodily autonomy today.

To simply ‘get over it’ would require transitional justice to be paid in full and not a conditional response to public outcry. To successfully ‘get over it’ the same issues dressed in different garments shouldn’t resurface. Whether it be race or sex, the mistreatments of the past will always reappear if not truly handled with careful consideration.

As the airwaves fill daily with new stories of African Americans being severely mistreated for the colour of their skin, my heart is always reminded that this is not isolated in progressive America but a consequence of prolonged, conditioned racism to which those who benefit from such discrimination greet with indifference. Similarly, Magdalene laundries and abortion are linked in Ireland and should be considered a consequence of prolonged, conditioned sexism.

Although the weather maybe undeniably different, the political mistreatment of vulnerable populations parallels each other in their very ignorance to the consequences of just ‘getting over something’ in juxtaposition of tactful transitional justice.

Although the air in Ireland will also be infiltrated with wind chill and the incessant heat of Alabama will be a staple of the climate, does inequality have to be?

Ashley Perry is an alumni of the University College of Dublin Human Rights MSc program. She is currently working for ‘Reclaiming Self’, an advocacy organization geared towards promoting survivors’ rights of industrial schools. She is also obtaining a MA in International Law and Diplomacy at the American University of Paris. You can follow Ashley on Twitter @ashleyyperryy

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